During fall term 2023 Dr. Kara Ritzheimer’s History 310 (Historian’s Craft) students researched and wrote blog posts about OSU during WWII. The sources they consulted are listed at the end of each post. Students wrote on a variety of topics and we hope you appreciate their contributions as much as the staff at SCARC does!

This post was written by Eliza Eckman.

In Nazi Germany, art emerged as a treasure—stolen, created, and hidden. Gordon Gilkey led the charge to recover these artworks. His mission involved collecting and preserving war-related artifacts, confiscating works tied to Nazism, and facilitating artwork restitution. After WWII, in August 1947, he became Professor of Art and Chairman of the Art Department at Oregon State College (OSC), and the following year he earned recognition from the French Government. Gilkey’s service during the war as an academic turned serviceman was not an isolated case; numerous faculty members at OSC and across the nation, extending from librarians to camouflage course teachers, also served in the military and contributed to specialized war work.

Gilkey grew up on a ranch outside of Albany, Oregon and attended Albany College (now Lewis and Clark College) in Portland, Oregon starting in 1929 and completed his Master of Fine Arts at the University of Oregon in 1936. Gilkey married, and he and his wife, Vivian Malone, moved to New York City, where she pursued studies at the Juilliard School of Music. While in New York, he created a book of reproductions and originals that documented the 1939 New York World’s Fair. Gilkey later taught at Stevens College in Colombia, Missouri from fall 1939 until he joined the Army Air Forces in June 1942.^[1]

In an October 1943 letter, Gilkey, serving as a supervisor of instruction for the Advanced Navigation School at the Central Flying Training Command (CFCT) in Ellington Field, Texas, expressed interest in joining the Commission for the Protection of Artistic and Historic Monuments in Europe. This commission, established a month earlier, sought soldiers with backgrounds in the arts to assist the US Army in safeguarding works of cultural value. Gilkey directed his letter to the chairman and founder, Supreme Court Justice Owen Roberts, and commission member Paul Sachs, a Professor of Fine Arts at Harvard. Gilkey outlined his civilian experience, including his education, art collection ownership, and teaching experience. He explained that, “As an officer in the Army Air Forces, the writer could be useful in aiding a determination of what to bomb and what to preserve. The writer is familiar with aerial photo interpretation and bombing procedures. Later, he could help reassemble Europe’s collections – especially graphic art collections.”^[2] Sachs forwarded Gilkey’s letter to David Finley, director of the National Gallery of Art, and added that Gilkey was a potential Monuments Officer, along with other candidates with possibly superior qualifications.^[3] Gilkey’s superiors at the CFTC denied his repeated requests to contribute to art preservation in combat zones, citing a lack of skilled personnel within the CFTC. To overcome this reluctance, Gilkey discovered a loophole: by undergoing combat intelligence training, he could be released from the role of supervisor of instructors, as the combat intelligence school held higher authority over the CFTC and faced its own shortage.^[4] Upon completing his training in 1945, Gilkey contacted Boyd Shafer, one of the teachers he had overseen and who had become a speechwriter for Secretary of War Henry Stimson. Gilkey stated, “I’ve got to get to Europe. I want to be involved in resurrecting the art, working with art.” Shafer’s connection with Stimson facilitated Gilkey’s assignment, and Gilkey promptly took charge of the War Department’s Special Staff Art Projects.^[5]

In his 1947 German War Art report, produced for the Army, Gilkey explained his work from the previous year, which involved collecting, processing, and preserving war-related artifacts, confiscating works of art dedicated to the promotion of Nazism, and returning paintings back to their owners. Gilkey detailed how larger paintings owned by Hitler were moved from Munich to salt bins at a refining plant in 1944 since they didn’t fit in the salt mines with other valuables. Some paintings were delayed due to a truck breakdown and traced to a dance room in St. Agatha, Austria.^[6] Gilkey also outlined the direct restitution of paintings from Schloss Oberfrauenau, affirming that these artworks, acknowledged as rightfully owned by the artists who originally created them, should be returned.^[7] As the operation concluded in summer 1946, Mrs. Gilkey informed her husband about a vacant position as the chairman of the art department at OSC, and despite a job offer from NBC in New York, he returned to Oregon in August 1947 to become a Professor of Art and Chairman of the Art Department.^[8]

Seven months after Gilkey began teaching at OSC, he received a letter notifying him that the French Government had awarded him the title of “Officer d’Academie” a distinction seldom granted to non-French individuals. Alfred Herman, Consul of France at the Agence Consulaire de France in Portland, Oregon, wrote the letter dated March 11, 1948. The one-page letter, typed on standard-size printer paper, is a copy. This distinction entailed an honorary degree from the French University and High Education System. The award also granted Gilkey the privilege of wearing the Palmes Academiques decoration in recognition of his devoted services to France. Herman offered to forward the diploma directly or arrange an official presentation, and he commended Gilkey for his help in the restitution of French Museum properties.^[9] This communication provides insight into the recognition of the contributions of individuals associated with the college regarding World War II, highlighting how these contributions likely positively influenced the college’s reputation.

Gilkey’s work coincided with a broader trend among OSC staff members in the humanities and the library who left for military service. In 1943, the Eugene Register-Guard published an articlethat listed the resignations of several personnel from OSC, including Priscilla Ferguson, a library cataloger, and Ruth Krueger, a circulation librarian.^[10] OSC further documented the resignations and temporary leaves in a document titled “Record of Staff Members Released for War Activities.” For example, Kenneth Munford, an English Instructor, became Captain of the 2nd Mapping Squadron in Spokane, Washington.^[11] In a letter dated November 1945, Wm. H. Carlson, Director of the Libraries, described the wartime work of his staffers for the benefit of Delmar Goode, the Editor of Publications at OSC. He explained that Grace Beecher, a reference assistant, had assumed the role of librarian at the Camp Adair Medical Unit.^[12] Another November 1945 letter from the Dean of the Lower Division, Ellwood Smith, to Goode detailed the involvement of Lower Division faculty in the war effort, including those from the fields of Art, Economics, English, History, Psychology, Speech, and Journalism. Major H. R. Sinnard, Associate Professor from the Art department, chaired the Training Board for the camouflage course at Belvoir Engineering School. He used his artistic skills and expertise to design fake inflatable rubber tanks and artillery, as well as to create camouflage patterns.^[13] This all demonstrates that wartime efforts encompass industries extending beyond the traditionally emphasized sectors.

Faculty and librarians across the country made significant contributions to the wartime efforts. Led by Frederick Kilgour from the Harvard Widener Library, the Interdepartmental Committee for the Acquisition of Foreign Publications (IDC) primarily used faculty to facilitate the acquisition of print sources for intelligence purposes. Simultaneously, faculty assumed leadership roles in the Women’s Army Corps (WAC) Bands. While stationed in Stockholm, Adele Kibre, a Latin Instructor at the University of Chicago and an undercover agent, obtained publications through newspaper subscriptions and bookstores, microfilmed materials from Swedish institutions, and collaborated with the Norwegian underground to intercept mail from Berlin to Oslo.^[14] Additional efforts from professors included female music teachers who became directors of the WAC Bands. Mary Waterman, who taught at the Crane Normal Institute of Music, enlisted in 1942, and attended Army Music School. She became a Warrant Officer and served as director of the 400th WAC Band. In 1943, Professor Leonora Brown of South Carolina State University enlisted. She assumed the role of director for the 404th WAC Band—an all-female African American Army band. Both leaders led their ensembles on a tour across the United States as part of national war bond drives and conducted martial performances on bases and in hospital wards.^[15]

The intersections of the humanities and military service prompt reflection on the impact that university faculty, including Gilkey, had during World War II. Gilkey took his wartime experiences back to OSC, and in October 1947, OSC exhibited two sets of Nazi art collected by Gilkey: one that Hitler deemed ideologically acceptable and retrieved from hidden locations, and the other, acquired directly from artists disapproved by the regime.^[16] This show, representative of Gilkey’s work, also symbolized the contributions of OSC’s faculty and the role of universities across the United States in wartime efforts.

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^[1] Gordon Gilkey, “Gordon Gilkey Oral History Interview,” June 27, 1980, Special Collections & Archives Research Center (hereafter SCARC), http://scarc.library.oregonstate.edu/omeka/items/show/34451.

^[2] Gordon Gilkey to Owen Roberts, October 5, 1943, The National Archives, Records of the American Commission for the Protection and Salvage of Artistic and Historical Monuments in War Areas (The Roberts Commission), Staff Correspondence, Miscellaneous Correspondence-G, 8, Retrieved from Fold3: https://www.fold3.com/image/270025421?terms=gilkey,art,gordon.

^[3] Paul Sachs to David Finley, January 24, 1944, The National Archives, The Roberts Commission,  Correspondence with Commission Members and Personnel, David Finley, 8, Retrieved from Fold3: https://www.fold3.com/image/270311993.  

^[4] Gilkey, “Oral History Interview,” 1980.

^[5] Gordon Gilkey, “Oral History Interview with Gordon W. Gilkey,” January 1, 1998, Oregon Historical Society, https://digitalcollections.ohs.org/oral-history-interview-with-gordon-w-gilkey-transcript.

^[6] Gilkey, German War Art, Procurement.

^[7] “Paintings to be Restituted to Artists,” from Gordon Gilkey to Chief of the Monument program, Fine Arts and Archives Section,October 1, 1946, The National Archives, Records Concerning the Central Collecting Points, Restitution Claim Records, Austria Claims, 11, Retrieved from Fold3: https://www.fold3.com/image/269943979?terms=gilkey,art,gordon.

^[8] Gilkey, “Oral History Interview,” 1980.

^[9] Alfred Herman to Gordon Gilkey, March 11, 1948, SCARC, News and Communication Services, Biological Files, RG 203, Folder 4.171-4.191.

^[10] “State Board Boosts Salary of Educators,” Eugene Register-Guard, April 27, 1943, 2, https://books.google.com/books?id=E7BWAAAAIBAJ&printsec=frontcover&source=gbs_all_issues_r&cad=1#v=onepage&q&f=false.

^[11] “Record of Staff Members Released for War Activities,” undated, SCARC, OSC History of World War II Project Records, Box 1, List of Staff Granted Leaves 1940-1946.

^[12] Wm. H. Carlson to Delmar Goode, November 20, 1945, SCARC, OSC History of World War II Project Reports, Box 1, Correspondence Reports 1944-1947.

^[13] Ellwood Smith to Delmar Goode, November 16, 1945, SCARC, OSC History of World War II Project Reports, Box 1, OSC Participation.

^[14] Kathy Peiss, Information Hunters: When Librarians, Soldiers, and Spies Banded Together in World War II Europe (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2019), 40-46.

^[15] Jill Sullivan, “Women Music Teachers as Military Band Directors During World War II,” Sage Journals 39, no.1 (2017): 78-90, https://doi.org/10.1177/1536600616665625.

^[16] “Contrasting Displays of Nazi Art Shown,” Eugene Register-Guard, October 15, 1947, 17, https://books.google.com/books?id=2o8RAAAAIBAJ&printsec=frontcover&source=gbs_ge_summary_r&cad=0#v=onepage&q&f=false.

During fall term 2023 Dr. Kara Ritzheimer’s History 310 (Historian’s Craft) students researched and wrote blog posts about OSU during WWII. The sources they consulted are listed at the end of each post. Students wrote on a variety of topics and we hope you appreciate their contributions as much as the staff at SCARC does!

This post was written by Madison Stoops.

The United States’ entrance into World War II halted life on campus for many students. Oregon State College, as it was known at the time, was no different. The institution that once focused solely on the education of its students, shifted gears, and began to focus on assisting in the war effort. No school on campus was left unchanged in this new pursuit, but in the halls of history, little attention has been paid to the contributions made by the School of Home Economics. The School of Home Economics of Oregon State College helped in the war effort through its involvement in various nutrition programs that addressed the nutritional needs of a public taxed by the stresses of war.

Initially established in 1889, the School of Home Economics predates the history of Oregon State University as we know it today.[1] Seemingly, the department did not grow large enough to be considered a school until the year 1908, where I found the first mention of the shift from department to school.[2] Although the School of Home Economics currently does not exist in any official regards and has not since 2002, when it “merged with the College of Health and Human Performance, thereby forming the College of Health and Human Sciences,” traces of its legacy can still be seen throughout the Corvallis campus.[3] Notably by Milam Hall, renamed in honor of Ava Milam, the Dean of the School of Home Economics, in 1976.[4]

The Biennial Report for the School of Home Economics from around mid-WWII initially sparked my interest in this research topic. It provides interesting details on how the ongoing war affected the School of Home Economics at Oregon State College. Ava Milam wrote in her 1942-43 and 1943-44 Biennial Report, “Despite the effect of the war on college attendance in general, the School of Home Economics has maintained its peace-time enrollment.”[5] The only data I can locate that mentions precise information regarding student enrollment in the School of Home Economics for one year, comes from 1940 and it cites there being 700 attendees.[6] This lack of change in attendance level made the school stand out in comparison to the other Schools at Oregon State College, and it is doubly impressive when one considers the number of women who were leaving education to pursue war jobs.[7] Even though the school was unaffected in terms of enrollment, the same could not be said for their access to materials. The program found difficultly in replacing essential items needed for Home Economics courses. Particularly for the “Clothing and Textiles department,” which had to change how their materials were utilized during this time.[8] This was just one of the many changes brought upon Home Economics by the war.

Arguably Ava Milam brought the most changes to Home Economics at Oregon State College. Milam joined the college in 1911 initially to serve as the “head of the Department of Domestic Science.”[9] She later became the Dean of the School of Home Economics from 1917 to 1950.[10] During Milam’s time at Oregon State College, nutrition and Home Economics became linked, no doubt in large part because of her dual positions as both the Dean of the School of Home Economics and as chairperson of the Nutrition-for-Defense program.[11] This trend continued on, and under her leadership in the 1920’s and 1930s, the focus on nutrition within home economics was greatly expanded upon, with classes offered in “nutrition of the infant and child” of note.[12] Just about a little over half a year before the US entered WWII, Milam went to “the inaugural National Nutrition Conference.”[13] Milam’s early interest in furthering the spread of nutrition education certainly would come in handy when, during the war, she would go on to lead Oregon’s nutrition program.[14] This was an impressive show of leadership under such trying times.

This link between home economics and nutrition was further strengthened during the outbreak of World War II when the Nutrition for Defense program entered the forefront. In Milam’s own words, the program “gave a refresher course for Red Cross nutrition teachers and participated in the work of a state nutrition committee for coordinating all nutrition projects in furthering war mobilization.”[15] Community outreach through instruction on proper eating habits also became a prime mode of supporting the war effort. In this spirit, OSC offered public classes related to nutrition.[16] A quick glance at the Oregon State College catalog from 1944-45 also demonstrates this dedication to the community with a course called “Community Problems in Nutrition.”[17] Additionally, with the scarcity of resources during the war, the nutrition courses offered at OSC began to focus on reducing waste.[18]

Though World War II put a pause on much of campus life, it did not slow down the School of Home Economics. Under Milam’s leadership the school thrived and went above and beyond in aiding in the war effort on the home front. Noticing the lack of proper nutrition education in the community during the war, the Home Economics faculty took charge and filled the gaps present in public knowledge. They achieved this through providing accessible public courses on nutrition and by training essential professionals. It cannot be understated how much of an impact OSC’s School of Home Economics had on the war effort.

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[1] “Home Economics at Oregon State,” Oregon State University, History of Home Economics at Oregon State – Home Economics at Oregon State – LibGuides at Oregon State University

[2] “Home Economics at Oregon State.”

[3] “Home Economics at Oregon State.”

[4] Milam Hall – OSU Buildings Histories in the Special Collections and Archives Research Center – LibGuides at Oregon State University.

[5] Biennial Report School of Home Economics Biennium 1942-43 and 1943-44, Special Collections and Archives Research Center (hereafter SCARC) Box 9 Folder 9, p.1.

[6] “Home Economics at Oregon State.”

[7] Taylor Jaworski, “’You’re in the Army Now:’ The Impact of World War II on Women’s Education, Work, and Family,” The Journal of Economic History 74 no.4 (2014):175-176, https://www.jstor.org/stable/24550554.

[8] Biennial Report School of Home Economics Biennium 1942-43 and 1943-44, SCARC, Box 9 Folder 9, p.1.

[9] “Oregon State University College and Department Histories: Home Economics History” Oregon Digital, https://oregondigital.org/concern/documents/df71wk95q

[10] “Home Economics History.”

[11]  Oregon State University Yearbooks, Oregon State University. “The Beaver 1943” Oregon Digital. Accessed 2023-12-13, https://oregondigital.org/concern/documents/fx719t41x.

[12] Ava Milam, Sixty Years of Growth in Home Economics (Oregon State Board of Higher Education, 1950), 6-15.

[13] William G. Robbins, The People’s School: A History of Oregon State University (Corvallis: Oregon State Press, 2017), 162.

[14] Robbins, The People’s School, 161.

[15] Milam, Sixty Years of Growth in Home Economics, 7.

[16] “Nutrition Expert to Teach Subject,” Oregon State Barometer, March 31, 1942.

[17] Oregon State College, Oregon State System of Higher Education Catalogs 1944-45, 262-63.

[18] “Biennial Report of Oregon State College, 1941-1942” p.65, Oregon Digital, https://oregondigital.org/concern/documents/fx71d395d

Students in Dr. Marisa Chappell’s fall 2023 History 363 “Women in U.S. History” class spent the final three weeks of Fall Quarter 2023 in OSU’s Special Collections and Archives Research Center exploring women in Camp Adair’s history.

By Brooklyn Blair, Grace Matteo, and Ruiqi Zhang

One of the expectations of women during World War II, including women at Oregon State College, was that they uphold and promote their own and others’ physical health in order to support the war effort. We discovered that women’s physical health was heavily promoted at OSC, both in the student newspaper and through various clubs and organizations dedicated to 1940s understandings of women’s physical well-being. While participation in athletics had a longer history at OSC, World War II prompted a specific emphasis on women’s physical conditioning.

We first became interested in this topic when we saw a section in the March 1942 issue of the Oregon State Barometer called “Women Leaders, Professor Stress Need for Conditioning.”

The section includes personal accounts from four women at OSC, all of whom call on readers to prioritize health and enlist in a new workout program for women. One author, Jean Ford, encourages readers to lose weight and “awaken muscles” and urges them to “sign up for the physical fitness program and stick to it” because “it’s your duty.” Toddy Gates, president of OSC’s Women’s Athletic Association, insists participating was the best way women could serve their country because it would prepare them to work in “emergency positions.” Mortar Board president Kay Serberg argued that a trained mind and body were equally important and that “new-fangled diets” were not an effective way to become healthy.[1] The article was accompanied by a poem celebrating OSC women’s role in fighting the war, which demanded their “strength” as well as courage.

We soon discovered other examples of women being urged to pursue fitness as an obligation in wartime. A 1943 OAC report on women’s intramural athletics, for example, stressed that athletic opportunities were important to help women maintain what was considered a proper figure. In another Barometer article, Dr. Eva M. Seen insisted that “emergency conditions will demand more vigorous, more strength and toughness of body than has been demanded of us during the past few years of soft living.” This included women, who “may not be drafted and have to face the rigid military tests of physical fitness, but they must face squarely and honestly the fact that they as well as the men must carry their share of the burden of defense.” Specifically, she asked OSC’s women students if they were physically fit enough to “meet the probable demands of long hours of labor in the fields, fruit orchards, vegetable gardens, canneries, canteen work, first aid stations or the strain of long confining hours in defense factories without the danger of physical strain or injury or complete physical breakdown?”[2]

These examples indicate that physical health was highly stressed for women during the war, but there remained conflict over the methods and meaning of women’s physical activity. Many advocated health as necessary for the war effort, but others tended to emphasize conditioning as a way to improve women’s appearance. For example, the historian Rachel Louise Moran notes, for example, that “women’s weights were sometimes a point of contention” in the Women’s Army Corp.”[3] Mark Ellner, meanwhile, has documented resistance to women’s participation in Olympic sports, quoting one leader insisting that the games “should be the sole purview of men,” leaving women to “crown . . . the winner with garlands, as was their role in ancient Greece.”[4]

Discussions of women’s physical health at World War II-era Oregon State College suggest that World War II might have been a historical turning point. The military and industrial requirements of the war seemed to provide new opportunities and promote new understandings of physical fitness and education for women. Did wartime demand for physical fitness affect how women thought about themselves, their bodies, and their roles in society? Perhaps it helped pave the way toward greater equality for women in athletics and the labor market later in the twentieth century.

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[1] “Women Leaders, Professor Stress Need for Conditioning,” Oregon State Barometer, March 24, 1942, 4.

[2] Dr. Eva M. Seen, “Women Begin Fitness Program,” Oregon State Barometer, March 24, 1942, 1.

[3] Rachel Louise Moran, Governing Bodies: American Politics and the Shaping of the Modern Physique (Philadelphia, PA: University of Pennsylvania Press, 2018), 69.

[4] Mark Ellner, “A Critical Look at Women’s Role in Physical Education and Sport in the 1930s,” Educational Considerations 45, no. 2 (2020), 5.

Students in Dr. Marisa Chappell’s fall 2023 History 363 “Women in U.S. History” class spent the final three weeks of Fall Quarter 2023 in OSU’s Special Collections and Archives Research Center exploring women in Camp Adair’s history.

By Alexandra Collins, Brandon Cunningham, and Maitreya Lake

World War II was a trying time in the United States. Even though the country avoided much of the war’s physical destruction, American military and industrial participation created significant upheaval. Entertainment thus played an important role, offering feelings of comfort and community and lightening the load of challenging times. As we explored the various entertainment options for service members at Camp Adair, we were struck by the prominence of women. Women were essential in organizing events, performing, and participating in social activities. This was not new; women had historically been called upon to serve as morale-boosters for male soldiers, particularly during wartime. This was not different at Camp Adair.

A striking example appeared in the Camp Adair Sentry, the camp’s newspaper, in February 1943. The newspaper announced a visiting performance of a Broadway production called “Junior Miss.” The show’s two headliners, Helen Eastman and Lucille Fetherston, play “two teenage girls who prance through three acts of devastating beauty” in a comedy that provides “hilarious and warm-hearted fun.” The description of the play emphasizes comfort and stability, while the caption beneath a glamorous headshot of actress Ellen Curtis refers to her as a “beauteous blond.”[1] Women often played a key role in performances for soldiers.[2]

Another example, captured a photograph, is the 1943 “Little Colonel” contest (see below).[3] The Oregon State Barometer, which included additional photographs, described a shooting contest among “girls” who were nominated on the basis of “beauty and personality alone.” The top shooters would earn titles using a diminutive form of military ranks, from “Little Colonel” for first place to “Little Second Lieutenant” for fifth, with winners announced at a “‘GI’ Military Ball,” where “Miss ‘Dead-Eye Dick’” would “Rule Over Dance.”[4]

A humorous article from the Barometer in October 1942 highlights the emphasis on women’s appearance, even outside of entertainment venues. In “Pigtails Irksome to Men, Says One With Keen Eye,” Normal Sholseth complained about women students’ hairstyles. “What has happened to those super-glamorous sweeping bobs?” he asked. “Okay, so it does take 15 minutes to put up the mop, but after all look in the mirror and see results.” Sholseth suggests that women’s appearance was important to men, the “fellow [who] rolls out of a warm bunk just to report to an 8 o’clock gym class,” the “harassed manhood of Oregon State.”[5] The article shows that ordinary women, not just entertainers, were being held to particular standards of feminine appearance and seen as a visual source of entertainment.

Women also played a central role in organizing and participating in social activities for Camp Adair’s servicemen. Many women served as “hostesses” with the United Service Organization (USO), creating and staffing recreational spaces and generally providing female company for servicemen far from home. October 1942, the Barometer informed “co-eds who wish to volunteer” in hospitality programs at Camp Adair to fill out an application in the “dean of women’s office for membership in the Corvallis Victory volunteers,” through which they can “indicate interests in Junior Hostess groups, serve as dancing partners for service men at chaperoned dances” or “indicate preferences to serve as hostesses for handicraft, games or other recreational activities at the USO center.” The article also noted that “some evidence of family sanction should be on file in the dean of women’s office, for those girls who plan to accept invitations to officers’ dances at the camp or to volunteer to go to enlisted men’s dances.”[6] The job of hostess was discussed by Barbara Martin in a book of collected memories of Camp Adair. Martin described her experience living near Camp Adair as a young woman and noted that many local girls saw the influx of servicemen as an opportunity to expand their circle of friendships and romantic opportunities. In fact, Martin would end up marrying a serviceman who was stationed at Camp Adair.[7]

The various examples of women as entertainment at Camp Adair point to the different kinds of roles they played. The historian Meghan Winchell argues that the USO’s senior hostesses served as surrogate mothers to soldiers, providing the physical and emotional comforts of home, while the USO “depended upon junior hostesses to use their beauty and sexual appeal to entice men into USO clubs.”[8] Women entertainers were also sexualized, and there was an emphasis on women appearing feminine and attractive to men, another way that women were used to emphasize the masculinity of male servicemembers.[9]

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[1] “‘Junior Miss’ to Be Here Feb. 20,” Camp Adair Sentry, February 11, 1943, 1.

[2] Sherrie Tucker, “‘And, Fellas, They’re American Girls!’: On the Road with the Sharon Rogers All-Girl Band,” Frontiers: A Journal of Women’s Studies 16, no. 2/3 (1996): 128-160.

[3] “College women with 1903 Springfield rifles, circa 1943,” Oregon Digital.

[4] “‘Little Colonel’ Candidates Shoot It Out For Honor to Reign Over Military Dance,” Oregon State Barometer, April 30, 1943, 1.

[5] Norman Sholseth, “Pigtails Irksome to Men, Says One With Keen Eye,” Oregon State Barometer, October 24, 1942, 1.

[6] “College Officials Set New Policy For Camp Adair,” Oregon State Barometer, October 23, 1942, 1.

[7] Barbara Martin, “A View of History,” Camp Adair: 50 Years Ago (Dallas, OR: Polk County Museum Association, 1992), 61.

[8] Meghan K. Winchell, “‘To Make the Boys Feel at Home’: USO Senior Hostesses and Gendered Citizenship,” Frontiers: A Journal of Women’s Studies 25, No. 1 (2004), 200.

[9] Marilyn E. Hegarty, Victory Girls, Khaki-Wackies, and Patriotutes: The Regulation of Female Sexuality During World War II (New York, NY: New York University Press, 2010).

Students in Dr. Marisa Chappell’s fall 2023 History 363 “Women in U.S. History” class spent the final three weeks of Fall Quarter 2023 in OSU’s Special Collections and Archives Research Center exploring women in Camp Adair’s history.

By Maia Merims-Johnson, Gideon Lerner, and Matthew Johnson

Camp Adair was established in 1942 as a training camp during World War II, and its main source of media, the Camp Adair Sentry, launched on March 11, 1942. This military-run newspaper aimed to boost morale and foster communication in the camp. Women were front and center in the Sentry, and their portrayal forces us to reconcile with the paradox of the 1940s media, which presented both empowering and infantilizing depictions of women. The Sentry followed a similar pattern, both reflecting and challenging dominant gender norms. Camp Adair serves as a microcosm of women’s complex place in American society during World War II, as the photography in its newspaper demonstrates.

A photograph in the October 22, 1943 issue of the Sentry provides insight into the complexities of gender in a workplace increasingly occupied by women during the war. It features Wanda McPoil and Alta Williams posed in front of an open-engine service vehicle.[1] The caption, “They Got Mixed in Classification,” implies that there had been a mistake in the women’s work assignment and that the notion of women serving as truck drivers or post engineers was inherently confusing. The caption conjures images of the women in bathing suits – “put a bathing suit on them and you’d swear these two girls should be on the beach at Waikiki” – before minimizing their labor with the comment that “they handle those ton-and-a-halfs as easily as if they were husbands.”[2] The language reflects the skepticism women faced when entering previously male-dominated industries during the war. The photograph is actually unusual for the newspaper in portraying the women wearing pants, flannel, and jackets; a majority of photographs in the Sentry featured women dressed in highly feminized clothing, many of them movie stars and other entertainers. By framing the photograph of women performing skilled manual trades, the reductive and patronizing comments in the caption mark McPoil’s and Williams’ work as unusual. This suggests that women entering these fields continued to face opposition, even if it was quieted by concerns for national defense.

Visual media, a key component of wartime mobilization, clearly struggled to reconcile necessary changes to gender roles brought by the war and the expectations of pre-war gender constructs. As the author Adhis Chetty argued, the need for women’s labor in previously male-dominated jobs led American media provocateurs to challenge gendered expectations of labor that had dominated the national consciousness prior to the war. Propaganda “present[ed] the image of an empowered woman, able to accept responsibility for her life, and in a position to galvanize other women to take action for themselves.”[3] At the same time, unwilling to challenge the prevailing notion of women as subordinate to men, propagandists also emphasized images of women that marked them as unsuited to serious work and independence. The media scholar Steve Dillon argued that in the 1940s, in particular, “male heterosexual desire” was ubiquitous in media, which catered to the male gaze.[4]

The Camp Adair Sentry regularly portrayed women in aggressively gendered ways designed to appeal to male readers. For example, the “Billfold Girl of the Week” feature was specifically designed for the “boys” to ogle. Miss Ruth Kary, the Billfold Girl featured on March 11, 1943, was described as a “charm provider” for test pilots at Boeing Aircraft. The caption also included a Sergeant complaining about not seeing enough of Kary.[5]

This rhetoric of entitlement around portrayals of women’s bodies not only reinforced but amplified the belief among readers at Camp Adair that women existed largely for male entertainment. Indeed, despite the many contributions women made to the functioning of Camp Adair, media portrayals are heavily skewed toward women’s appearance.

A particularly egregious example appeared in June 1942, when the Sentry featured an image of “movie-starlet Dona Drake” in a two-piece bathing suit, photographed from below (Figure 3).[6]

The visual portrayals of women in the Sentry reflect the challenges of wartime, which threatened to transform existing gender roles and power relations. Its seemingly confused and contradictory depiction of women can be understood as part of a larger national campaign designed, in Adhis Chetty’s words, “to persuade women to join the war waged by men and, in doing so, render loyal service to a male-dominated country in a male-dominated war.”[7]

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[1] Claudia D. Goldin, “The Role of World War II in the Rise of Women’s Employment,” The American Economic Review 81, no. 4 (1991): 741-756.

[2] “They Got Mixed in Classification,” Camp Adair Sentry, October 22, 1943, 3.

[3] Adhis Chetty, “Media Images of Women During War: Vehicles of Patriarchy’s Agenda?” Agenda: Empowering Women for Gender Equity 59 (2004), 36.

[4] Steve Dillon, Wolf-Women and Phantom Ladies: Female Desire in 1940s U.S. Culture (Urbana-Champaign, IL: University of Illinois Press, 1998), 4.

[5] “Billfold Girl . . . of the Week,” Camp Adair Sentry, March 11, 1943, 9.

[6] “Catch!” Camp Adair Sentry, June 18, 1942, 5.

[7] Chetty, “Media Images of Women During War,” 36.

Students in Dr. Marisa Chappell’s fall 2023 History 363 “Women in U.S. History” class spent the final three weeks of Fall Quarter 2023 in OSU’s Special Collections and Archives Research Center exploring women in Camp Adair’s history.

By Molly Bransetter, Gracie Kreitzer, and Emma Miller

After World War II, Oregon State College (OSC) established married student housing on the old Camp Adair military site, calling it Adair Village. Married student housing became a necessity in the years after World War II, when the Servicemen’s Readjustment Act of 1944, or GI Bill, gave returning soldiers the opportunity to pursue higher education subsidized by the federal government. Student enrollment across the country soared. A 1964 article in the New York Times noted that in response to the influx, including at OSC, where “returning veterans created [an] enrollment boom in the post-war years – nearly 7,500 students by 1947,” a growth that “continued through the 1950s.”[1] Many new students were married. A 1964 New York Times article noted that as late as 1961, “American universities provided housing for 47,780 married couples.”[2] OSC was no exception; it established Adair Village in 1946 to house students with families. Much like in the postwar era’s rapidly developing suburban neighborhoods, women in Adair Village took on homemaking and community building roles. Members of Adair Village’s Mothers Club were especially active, organizing dances and holiday parties, child care and early education, and fundraising activities. Through these activities, the Mothers Club brought residents of Adair Village together and created a sense of community.

We researched the Adair Village Mothers Club in archival collections and newspapers at SCARC. A 1956 dissertation by Dan Poling, who served as Dean of Men from 1947 through the early 1970s, chronicled the establishment and operation of Adair Village. Poling, who was pursuing a doctorate in Education at the University of Oregon, was exploring solutions to the problems facing married students, and discussed “the impact of World War II upon institutions of higher education.” We focused specifically on a section about Village activities, which describes in detail the events and clubs organized by Adair Village women. Poling describes the Mothers Club as providing recreational and educational activities such as sponsoring a play school and play center for Adair Village. As the club developed, though, its attention expanded beyond child care to other community needs.[3]

Mothers Club activities are chronicled in other sources, as well. Adair Village’s newspaper, Community Spirit, which was run by the Community Church Board, frequently discussed the activities of the Adair Village Mothers Club, which was very active. The newspaper chronicles its extensive community work, from holding thrift sales to hosting Saturday night dances.[4] The Adair Village Directory, published in late 1949, included the Mothers Club in its list of “Who’s Who” in the community.[5]

Archival and newspaper sources provide limited information about specific Mothers Club members or other women at the postwar Adair Village. The Adair Village Directory included a list of club officers: Jean Koester (President), Lorene Reid (Vice President), Jo Otto (Secretary), Ruth Osburne (Treasurer), Martha Hagan (Play School Coordinator), and Joyce Kelly and Virginia Nelson (teachers).[6] It appears that these and many women residing in Adair Village were not OSC students themselves but rather the wives of male students; they do not appear in university documents or published sources such as the Beaver Yearbook and the Daily Barometer.

This invisibility suggests how much women’s community-building work went uncredited in the postwar period. The Mothers Club was open to all women, not just mothers, which also suggests how closely tied women’s identities and roles were to family and motherhood.

OSC and other universities responded to the needs of World War II veterans by expanding housing for married students and student families, and women’s unpaid labor turned that housing into communities. This history prompts many questions. How did these same universities respond to the growing enrollment of women, who outnumbered male undergraduates by the 1980s?[7] Oregon State University’s housing website notes that currently, applicants generally wait between sixteen and twenty-four months for family housing, suggesting that the need is significant.[8] Benton County, like most of the state, also has a severe shortage of child care slots.[9] Why are these needs seemingly so acute? And finally, how the labor of community building changed as women’s employment rates increased in the decades after World War II?

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[1] Larry Landis, “Oregon State University,” Oregon Encyclopedia, accessed December 15, 2023.

[2] Allen Young, “Universities Across Country Spurred by Housing Demands of Married Students,” New York Times, January 16, 1964, 77.

[3] Dan Poling, “Adair Village: A Postwar Project in Community Living for Married Students of Oregon State College” (PhD dissertation, University of Oregon, 1956), Dan Poling Papers, Oregon State University Special Collections and Archives Research Center, Corvallis, OR (hereafter SCARC), 132-141.

[4] FIND THESE SPECIFIC ISSUES

[5] “Who’s Who at Adair Village,” Adair Village Directory (Adair Village, OR: Adair Village Council, 1949, SCARC, 3.

[6] “Who’s Who at Adair Village,” 3.

[7] Oksana Leukhina and Amy Smaldone, “Why Do Women Outnumber Men in College Enrollment?” On the Economy Blog (Federal Reserve Bank of St. Louis), March 15, 2022, accessed January 10, 2024.

[8] “Family Housing Application,” Oregon State University, accessed December 5, 2023.

[9] Megan Pratt and Michaella Sektnan, “Oregon’s Child Care Deserts 2022: Mapping Supply by Age Group and Percentage of Publicly Funded Slots” (Oregon State University, College of Public Health and Human Sciences and Oregon Child Care Research Partnership, May 2023), accessed January 10, 2024.

Students in Dr. Marisa Chappell’s fall 2023 History 363 “Women in U.S. History” class spent the final three weeks of Fall Quarter 2023 in OSU’s Special Collections and Archives Research Center exploring women in Camp Adair’s history.

By Emily Bakhshoudeh, London Hawes, and Maya Kirschenbaum

Women played many important roles at Camp Adair, a Benton County, Oregon World War II military training facility, but you wouldn’t know it by reading the camp’s official newspaper, the Camp Adair Sentry. Within its pages, women were valued largely for their beauty or simply relegated to the sidelines of the war effort. The sexualization and paternalistic treatment of Camp Adair women through events like the PX (post exchange) Girl Contest represents an intriguing counter-narrative to the popularly constructed story of heroic Rosie the Riveters assisting the Allied war effort.

The Camp Adair PX Girl Contest, held in 1943, exemplifies the objectification of women at the facility. A front-page column in the February 11 Sentry entitled “Elect Your PX Dream Girl!” discusses the voting rules for the contest and describes contestants, who were exclusively female PX managers, in sexualized terms solely based on their appearance. Directed at male service members, the article notes that the one who “rings your bell” could be “the cutie with the curves” or “the gal with the violet eyes, the miss with the miracle curves, the pretty little pumpkin with the pumpkins.”[1] Similarly, the March 11, 1943 edition of the Sentry focused on informing soldiers about voting for their favorite PX Girl and “celebrating” the beauty of female PX managers around the camp.[2] The same page features a conventionally attractive woman wearing a bathing suit posing seductively (see below). As with the prior month’s “PX Dream Girl” article, this photo’s caption characterizes the woman’s value in terms of her physical beauty.[3] While the Sentry does not tell us how the average soldier responded, it suggests how the officers who put the Sentry together viewed women. Women were sexualized and valued for their curves within its pages, and their importance to the war effort was mainly portrayed as gratifying the emotional and physical desires of soldiers. 

The announcement of the PX Girl winner followed the same pattern. The March 18, 1943 issue reported Betty Frick, or “brown-eyed Betty,” succeeded in “getting the knob by 150 votes over pretty Dorothy Caldwell.”[4] As with previous depictions of contestants, this article refrains from commenting on any aspects of the women other than their physical attributes. Any mention of the winner’s personality, achievements, or contributions to the war effort are effaced. This kind of objectification was not confined to coverage of the PX Girl contest. For instance, the January 21, 1944 edition of the Sentry featured a photograph of Ruby Richards, fountain manager of PX 3, posing in a bathing suit (Figure 3). The caption described Richards as “lissome” and emphasized her vital statistics.[5]

This kind of objectification was common in the 1940s. According to historian Marilyn E. Hegarty, “magazines, movies, posters, and other media covertly and overtly urged wartime women to provide sexualized support for the military in various types of public and private entertainment.”[6] Historian Steven Dillon discusses the emergence of sexual culture during World War II by showing the rise in popularity of the sexualization of women in media consisting of film, magazines, comics, radio, and newspapers. This sexualization went beyond visual images. When discussing radio, for example, Dillon notes that “women are not just heard on the radio; they are viewed; even if listeners can’t see them, female characters are judged by what they look like.”[7] This phenomenon was not limited to the United States, either; scholar Marilyn Lake writes that “[a]dvertisements for cosmetics, fashioning a new sexualized femininity, incited [Australian] women to ‘reckless, red adventure’ and warned that ‘Fair Girls Ought to be Doubly Careful.”[8]

It is clear that objectification of women occurred on a large scale throughout the United States and beyond during World War II and was not limited to isolated locales such as Camp Adair. However, the consistent and government-approved sexualization of female camp members by the Camp Adair Sentry is a particularly salient example of the methods the military used to build troop morale and create gendered expectations of masculinity as well as femininity.

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[1] “Elect Your PX Dream Girl! Contest Starts – The Rules,” Camp Adair Sentry, February 11, 1943, 1.

[2] “PX Girl Contest Judges Swamped,” Camp Adair Sentry, March 11, 1943, 1.

[3] “Positively Not GI,” Camp Adair Sentry, March 11, 1943, 1.

[4] “Betty Frick Winner of PX Girl Contest,” Camp Adair Sentry, March 18, 1943, 4.

[5] “No. 26: One Lump or Two, Sugar?”, Camp Adair Sentry 2, no. 40 (January 21, 1944).

[6] Marilyn E. Hegarty, “Patriot or Prostitute?: Sexual Discourses, Print Media, and American Women during World War II,” Journal of Women’s History 10, no. 2 (1998), 113

[7] Steven Dillon, Wolf-Women and Phantom Ladies: Female Desire in 1940’s US Culture (Albany, NY: SUNY Press, 2016), 4.

[8] Marilyn Lake, “The Desire for a Yank: Sexual Relations between Australian Women and American Servicemen during World War II,” Journal of the History of Sexuality 2, no. 4 (1992): 623.

Students in Dr. Marisa Chappell’s fall 2023 History 363 “Women in U.S. History” class spent the final three weeks of Fall Quarter 2023 in OSU’s Special Collections and Archives Research Center exploring women in Camp Adair’s history.

By Austin McCarville, Clare Buresh, and Felicity Howell

Adair Village, a small community in Benton County, Oregon, is best known as a site of several military installations, most notably Camp Adair, a training cantonment during World War II. For several years in the late 1940s and early 1950s, though, the area was known as Adair Village, and it served as housing for married students attending Oregon State College (now Oregon State University) and their families. Archival materials at OSU’s Special Collections and Archives Research Center offer a unique window into the lives of women who, for a brief period of time, made the area their home.

We learned that Adair housed OSC students and their families in the papers of Dan W. Poling, who served as Dean of Men at OSC/OSU from 1947 to 1970. The papers included Poling’s dissertation, written for his Doctorate of Education at the University of Oregon in 1956, chronicling the creation and operation of married student housing at Adair, titled “Adair Village: A Post-War Project in Community Living for Married Students of Oregon State College.” Poling noted that federal legislation that funded temporary child care for working mothers during the war also “ma[de] possible the construction of Adair Village for married students of Oregon State College.” A section of the dissertation titled “Family Life Programs” details aspects of daily life, and we were drawn to Poling’s discussion of the Mother’s Club, which prompted us to investigate the lives of women and mothers in married student housing at Adair.[1]

Poling noted that the Mother’s Club was open to all women in the community, not just mothers. Poling documented the club’s work to create and support the Little Beavers Play School and other activities and resources for children, including a community park, “Cordair.” He also mentioned that Adair residents wrote and published newsletters.[2] We worked with archivist Tiah Edmunson-Morton to locate issues of Community Spirit, a biweekly newspaper published by the “Village Church Board,” which ran from November 1948 through May 1950. The newsletter was created on a typewriter, included illustrations but not photographs, and was reproduced on a mimeograph machine, in purple ink. Its first editor was resident Larry Hagen, an OSC faculty member, but by 1949 it was being edited by Joyce Kelly, a teacher at Little Beavers Play School). Community Spirit, which editors hoped would be an “interesting, informative, and informal paper,” offers a unique window into the daily lives and activities of Adair’s women residents, particularly through its discussion of the Mother’s Club’s activities.[3]

The November 11, 1949 issue of Community Spirit mentions both specific women and various activities planned by the Mother’s Club. An upcoming Mother’s Club meeting would feature a Mrs. Eleanor Peters teaching members how to make candy and dip chocolate and discussion of a Thanksgiving Turkey raffle and the community dance schedule.[4] Another article featured Helen Ingram, a soloist in the church choir, who along with Virginia Nelson (a teacher at Little Beavers Play School) hoped to start a community choir.[5] Grace Harrington, who graduated from Julliard in concert piano performance, announced that she was accepting piano students.[6] And Maxine Morgan and Moira Tan wrote to the editor to share that the presence of pet dogs in their homes served as protection against “rude conduct” of the community’s maintenance workers.[7]

One of the Mothers Club’s most significant contributions was providing activities for children, including educational programs and child care. The Adair Village Directory, also located in SCARC, called the Mother’s Club the “most active non-governmental group” in the community.[8] The Oregon State College newspaper, the Barometer, included advertisements for nursery school classes at the Little Beavers Play School, led by a Mrs. Katherine H. Reed, and for a Mothers Club rummage sale at the school.[9] After the school secured a permanent location in unit D-9, the Barometer announced an open house, organized by a Mrs. L.D. Marriage, in February 1948 to show off improvements made to the building. The improvements were performed by “mothers” who “cleaned, decorated, and remodeled the interior” and “fathers” who “assisted by constructing play equipment and individual lockers for the children,” reflecting a common division of labor in the mid twentieth century.[10] At least one other option for child care, Alameda Randall staffed a nursery at Adair.[11]

The participation by Adair women in clubs and volunteer work, particularly child-focused campaigns, is not surprising. It reflected a longer history. Since the late nineteenth century, American women had been busy forming clubs and working through them to influence women’s lives and society more generally. The General Federation of Women’s Clubs (GFWC), founded in 1890, represented a wide variety of clubs, from mothers’ clubs and study clubs to gardening clubs and service clubs. And while the activities of women’s clubs might not seem very important, they had played a significant role in American history. According to historian Paige Meltzer, women’s clubs had been “critical contributor[s] to the women’s suffrage campaign, the creation of the Food and Drug Administration and the Children’s Bureau, and the passage of the Sheppard-Towner Maternity and Infancy Health Act,” which provided federal funding for infant and maternity health care programs in the 1920s. Meltzer argues that in the 1940s, the GFWC promoted the idea that American mothers were responsible “for the health of the individual family, the local community, and the nation.”[12]

For the short time that Adair housed married OSC students and their families, its women, in their roles as mothers, wives, teachers, and volunteers, were crucial to creating “community spirit.”

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[1] Dan Poling, “Adair Village: A Postwar Project in Community Living for Married Students of Oregon State College” (PhD dissertation, University of Oregon, 1956), Dan Poling Papers, Oregon State University Special Collections and Archives Research Center, Corvallis, OR (hereafter SCARC), 12, 133-134. For more on the legislation, see William M. Tuttle, Jr., “The American Family on the Home Front” in World War II and the American Home Front, ed. Marilyn M. Harper (Washington, DC: The National Historic Landmarks Program, 2007), 63.

[2] Poling, “Adair Village,” 133-134, 139-140, 108-109.

[3] Community Spirit, November 11, 1949 and Community Spirit, November 19, 1948, SCARC.

[4] “Mothers Club,” Community Spirit, November 11, 1949, SCARC, 1.

[5] “Helen Ingram Soloes,” Community Spirit, November 11, 1949, SCARC, 1.

[6] “Interesting People,” Community Spirit, November 11, 1949, SCARC, 2-3.

[7] Maxine Moira and Moira Tan to the Editor, Community Spirit, November 11, 1949, SCARC, 2.

[8] Adair Village Directory (Adair Village, OR: Adair Village Council, October 1949), SCARC, 2.

[9] “Council Approves $5 Increase in Registration Fees,” Oregon State Daily Barometer, December 2, 1947, 2; “Adair Village Mothers to Hold Rummage Sale,” Oregon State Daily Barometer, May 20, 1948, 1.

[10] “Little Beaver School to Have Open House,” Oregon State Daily Barometer, January 27, 1948, 1.

[11] “‘Who’s Who’ at Adair Village,” Adair Village Directory.

[12] Paige Meltzer, “‘The Pulse and Conscience of America’: The General Federation and Women’s Citizenship, 1945-1960,” Frontiers: A Journal of Women’s Studies 30, no. 3 (2009): 52-76.

Students in Dr. Marisa Chappell’s fall 2023 History 363 “Women in U.S. History” class spent the final three weeks of Fall Quarter 2023 in OSU’s Special Collections and Archives Research Center exploring women in Camp Adair’s history.

By Anish Alam, Annabel McMillan, and Gwyn Scalet

As we explored the Camp Adair Sentry, the official newspaper of Camp Adair during its years as a World War II training cantonment, we were struck by its superficial portrayal of women. We knew from our course readings and discussions that women played significant roles during World War II, so we set out to explore this seeming contradiction by analyzing the differences between the portrayal of women in the Sentry and the actual roles women played at Camp Adair. Our findings suggest that at Camp Adair, as in the rest of the United States, the war offered various opportunities for women and that, at the same time, there were distinct attempts to contain the transformative possibilities of women’s expansive contributions to the war effort.

An article on the front page of the Camp Adair Sentry on February 11, 1942 announced a contest to “Elect Your PX Dream Girl!” The article discusses a contest being run on the base in which men at Camp Adair voted to choose the “best” female worker in the camp’s retail outlets, called Post Exchanges. The contest highlights the sexualization and objectification of women at the camp and in American society. The article describes competitors solely in terms of their appearances and framing their beauty in terms of male fantasy: “Wherever she is, she rings her bell. She’s the reason you stand in a surging line for an hour.” The article does not discuss the actual labor women performed as retail workers at all. It notes that the top four contestants would be “photographed – with sweaters (although bathing suits would be alright too),” further illustrating the women’s position as objects.[1]

This article was not unique. A review of issues of the newspaper revealed that women were generally dismissed or objectified. The Sentry repeatedly focused on women’s social role and the perception of women by male service members. When women’s labor is discussed, it is confined to their role as entertainment. The article “Social Swirl” from March 11, 1942, for example, documents women’s role overseeing social events for the enjoyment of servicemen.[2] Women-organized dances at Camp Adair and in nearby communities provided recreation and entertainment for men.

Despite the newspaper’s emphasis on appearance, other sources illustrate that women’s labor, both paid employment and volunteer labor, was essential to Camp Adair’s functioning. A November 23, 1943 advertisement in the Oregon Statesmen for “girls to clerk in Camp Adair exchange stores,” for example, promised a “good salary” for a six-day work week. The use of the world “girls” indicates that the employers were looking specifically for young women.[3] Retail jobs thus offered new opportunities for local women to earn wages. Another Oregon Statesman article discussed local women volunteering to create recreational spaces for service members at Camp Adair. Women had long performed this kind of volunteer labor, and its coverage in the newspaper suggested that it was recognized as valuable; at the same time, the article noted that the work was done “without additional help,” suggesting that readers might assume women were not fully competent.[4]

Women also served as clerks and nurses at Camp Adair. An article in the Oregon State Barometer on April 21, 1943 reports that Miss Virginia Landquist, who was “director of the division of biochemistry at the Camp Adair field hospital,” and Miss Winifred de Witt, member of the camp’s nurse corp, would visit Oregon State College to talk to students about “the opportunities open to women with home economics background and who wish to  make their efforts count for victory.” Many of those opportunities, as the speakers suggest, were highly skilled, salaried positions. Of course, salaried and professional roles and social and recreational ones were not mutually exclusive. The article notes that “Miss Lundquist supplements her work at the camp with duties as director of dancing instruction at the Corvallis USO [United Service Organization].” [5]

It is not surprising to find women workers and volunteers at Camp Adair. Historians have documented the varied positions women played during World War II. According to historians Judy Barrett Litoff and David C. Smith, some 6.5 million women in the United States were employed, bringing the proportion of American women in the labor force from 25% before the war to 36% by its end. Historians argue that the labor women performed during the war affected their identities. Litoff argues that “one of the most significant themes expressed” in women’s wartime letters “is the new sense of self experience,” demonstrating that these roles held significant meaning and opened a new sense of purpose in women’s lives.[6] The historian Karen Anderson, too, argued that the fact that a majority of women “wanted to keep their jobs after the war signified that women’s aspirations for themselves and their sense of their own competence had been dramatically altered” by their war work.[7] When set against scholarship about expanding roles for women and research in other local newspapers, it is clear that The Sentry underrepresented the labor of women on camp.

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[1] “Elect Your PX Dream Girl – The Rules,” Camp Adair Sentry, February 11, 1943, 1.

[2] “Social Swirl,” Camp Adair Sentry, March 11, 1943, 8.

[3] “Help Wanted – Female,” The Oregon Statesman, November 23, 1943, 11.

[4] “Monmouth Women Furnish Second Recreation Room,” The Oregon Statesman, March 9, 1943, 5.

[5] “Home Economics Club Sponsors Convo Today,” Oregon State Barometer, April 21, 1942, 3.

[6] Judy Barrett Litoff and David C. Smith, “U.S. women on the Home Front in World War II,” The Historian 57, no. 2 (1995), 354. For discussion of women’s home front work in Oregon specifically, see Amy E. Platt, “‘Go into the yard as a worker, not as a woman’” Oregon Women During World War II, a Digital Exhibit on the Oregon History Project,” Oregon Historical Quarterly 116, no. 2 (2015): 234-248

[7] Karen Andersen, “Teaching about Rosie the Riveter: The Role of Women during World War II,” OAH Magazine of History 3, no. ¾ (1988), 35.

Marisa Chappell, Associate Professor of History

The twenty-four students in History 363: Women in U.S. History spent the final three weeks of Fall Quarter 2023 in OSU’s Special Collections and Archives Research Center exploring women in Camp Adair’s history. Archivist Tiah Edmonson-Morton made archival collections, oral histories, and other primary sources available for students to examine. She also shared her infinite enthusiasm, patience, and knowledge with the students, both in class presentations and frequent individual consultations. Students worked in groups of three to explore the sources, identify a historical question/focus, and find and read scholarship to help them contextualize what they were discovering. In the end, they produced new knowledge about the history of women at Camp Adair and Oregon State College.

Three groups were especially intrigued by portrayals of women in the Camp Adair Sentry, the camp’s official newspaper. A February 1943 front-page article about a PX Girl contest served as a starting point for all three groups, who were struck that a military training camp during wartime was holding what seemed like a beauty and popularity contest. The article led students groups in distinct directions. Two groups decided to further explore images of women in the Sentry. Bakhshoudeh, Hawes, and Kirschenbaum followed the PX Girl story and used it to discuss “Women’s Objectification in the Camp Adair Sentry.” Merims-Johnson, Lerner, and Johnson focused on the newspaper’s photographs more generally, using them to think about how media producers during the war grappled with the new opportunities available to women, in their post, “Mixed in Classification: The Paradox of Gender Roles in Media and the Mobilization of Women at Camp Adair.” Finally, Alam, McMillan, and Scalet wanted to learn more about “PX girls” and other kinds of women’s labor at Camp Adair, resulting in their post, “Image versus Reality: Women in the Camp Adair Sentry.”

In a related post, Collins, Cunningham, and Lake discuss the prominence of women as entertainers for servicemembers both at Camp Adair and at Oregon State College. In “Dances, Bands, and Pageants: Women and Entertainment at Camp Adair,” they argue that whether as nurturers reminding of the comforts of home or as objects of femininity, beauty, and sexuality, they found, women were enlisted during the war to maintain soldiers’ morale. Meanwhile, an exploration of the Oregon State Barometer led another group to focus on campaigns to promote women’s physical fitness at OSC during the war. While not directly about Camp Adair, the post “Promoting Physical Heath for Women at Oregon State College during World War II” by Blair, Matteo, and Zhang highlights yet another way that the war affected both ideas about and the experiences of women. The group found significant urgency around women’s physical conditioning, both as a way to fulfill wartime labor demands and as a general duty.

Moving forward in time, two groups were drawn to explore women’s roles at the first Adair Village, which the area was dubbed when it housed married OSC students in the late 1940s and early 1950s. They started with Dan Poling’s 1956 dissertation about that first Adair Village, which mentioned a Mothers Club. Students noted Poling’s reference to a newsletter, The Community Spirit, which archivist Tiah Edmunson-Morton uncovered in SCARC’s collections. McCarville, Buresh, and Howell, in their post “The First Adair Village: Women at OSC’s Postwar Married Student Housing,” noted its homemade quality, which was starkly different from the more professional, military-produced Camp Adair Sentry. Students in both groups documented the activities of the Mothers Club as evidenced in The Community Spirit and a 1949 Adair Village Directory. Bransetter, Kreitzer, and Miller looked for evidence of the club and its officers in OSC yearbooks and the Barometer and they were surprised to find little. They conclude therefore that most members were wives of male students rather than students themselves. They also suggest in their post “Adair Village Mothers Club: Invisible Community Builders in the Postwar Era,” that women’s community-building activities, while crucial to the well-being of Adair Village families, did not seem to qualify as news on campus. Both groups’ findings raised questions about the longer history of women’s community building labor. Under what circumstances have government and public institutions committed to providing social supports for families and for which families, for example, and how has community building changed as women’s roles have changed?

At the end of class, we discussed how students’ findings related to the broader content of the course, which emphasized how women’s lives and ideas about gender have always shaped and been shaped by been shaped by race and ethnicity, sexuality, class, and other axes of difference. There is still much to discover about the mostly white, economically secure, and able-bodied women whose lives intersected with Camp Adair. At the same time, it will take a different set of methods and sources to find women who do not fit those categories. I look forward to engaging new groups of students in this work.