{"id":22386,"date":"2020-12-23T04:28:02","date_gmt":"2020-12-23T04:28:02","guid":{"rendered":"http:\/\/blogs.oregonstate.edu\/oregonmulticulturalarchives\/?p=22386"},"modified":"2020-12-23T05:21:32","modified_gmt":"2020-12-23T05:21:32","slug":"erlinda-gonzales-berry-papers-oral-history-interviews","status":"publish","type":"post","link":"https:\/\/blogs.oregonstate.edu\/oregonmulticulturalarchives\/2020\/12\/23\/erlinda-gonzales-berry-papers-oral-history-interviews\/","title":{"rendered":"Erlinda Gonzales-Berry Papers Oral History Interviews"},"content":{"rendered":"\n
\"Erlinda<\/figure>\n\n\n\n

Erlinda Gonzales-Berry Papers Finding Aid<\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

In spring term 2020, the OMA collaborated with the OSU course Ethnic Studies 416\/516 Migrant Health on an oral history assignment. The students listened to the oral history interviews from the Erlinda Gonzales-Berry Papers to create: interviewee bios, interview summaries, and historical context essays – all of these components are in both Spanish and English as the majority of the interviews are in Spanish. <\/p>\n\n\n\n

The oral histories were conducted as part of Gonzales-Berry’s research for the book Mexicanos in Oregon: Their Stories, Their Lives<\/a><\/span>. The set of interviews features over two dozen interviewees – bios and summaries are included in the finding aid. Below are the historical context essays the students wrote (note: these essays were left as written by the students for the purposes of showcasing their work as well as providing additional context for the interviews; the text was not fact checked): <\/p>\n\n\n\n

Entrevistado\/Interviewee: Armando \u00c1lvarez<\/strong><\/p>\n\n\n\n

Contexto hist\u00f3rico:<\/strong> La historia de inmigraci\u00f3n de Armando \u00c1lvarez es similar a la de muchos en todo el pa\u00eds. Armando lleg\u00f3 a los 15 a\u00f1os y pizc\u00f3 fresas, y en el momento de esta entrevista fue en 2003 y estaba trabajando en la miner\u00eda. En 2003, hubo una ca\u00edda del total de inmigrantes entrantes, aunque es importante tener en cuenta que los inmigrantes indocumentados no est\u00e1n incluidos en estos datos. Esto incluye individuos con residencia legal permanente, estudiantes extranjeros y trabajadores temporales (Meyers & Yau, 2017). Armando menciona la diferencia en el tratamiento basado en el origen \u00e9tnico, espec\u00edficamente en los centros de trabajo not\u00f3 la diferencia en qui\u00e9n fue contratado y qui\u00e9n no. Los latinos informaron haber sido discriminados en contra de solicitar empleos, salarios inadecuados o insultos raciales o \u00e9tnicos experimentados (Neel, 2017). En el pasado, Oreg\u00f3n y el gobierno de los Estados Unidos han trabajado juntos en el tema de la inmigraci\u00f3n, como con la “Operaci\u00f3n Espalda Mojada”, que involucr\u00f3 deportaciones masivas de personas indocumentadas (Bussel, 2008). Con el paso del tiempo, Oreg\u00f3n comenz\u00f3 el proceso de convertirse en un estado santuario en 1977 (Wilson, 2018). Esto esencialmente significa que Oreg\u00f3n no usa sus recursos para hacer cumplir la ley federal sobre inmigraci\u00f3n (Wilson, 2018). En todo el estado, la formaci\u00f3n de organizaciones como PCUN contrastaba con lo que suced\u00eda en el pa\u00eds (Bussel, 2008). Sin embargo, Oreg\u00f3n tiene una historia de reforzar la supremac\u00eda blanca a trav\u00e9s de sus leyes (Bussel, 2008). Durante la administraci\u00f3n Trump ha habido un aumento en la ret\u00f3rica negativa de inmigraci\u00f3n, deportaciones masivas y una mayor seguridad fronteriza (Wilson, 2018). El aumento de inmigrantes a Oreg\u00f3n se ha debido a diversos factores, como los empleos agr\u00edcolas, la menor demanda de otros tipos de empleos en otros estados y las redes de servicios existentes (Bussel, 2008). Si bien hay un aumento de la inmigraci\u00f3n en el estado, grupos anti-inmigraci\u00f3n han iniciado esfuerzos para derogar el estado de santuario de Oreg\u00f3n. Sin embargo, esta medida no lleg\u00f3 a la votaci\u00f3n de 2018 (Wilson, 2018).<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Historic context: <\/strong>Armando Alvarez\u2019s immigration story is similar to many across the country. Armando came at age 15 and picked strawberries, and at the time of this interview, which was 2003, he had been working in mining. In 2003, there was a drop of overall incoming immigrants, although it is important to note that undocumented immigrants are not included in this data. This includes individuals with permanent legal residency, foreign students, and temporary workers (Meyers & Yau, 2017). Armando mentions the difference in treatment based on ethnicity, specifically how in job centers he noticed the difference in who got hired and who did not. Latinos have reported being discriminated against applying for jobs, inadequate pay, or experienced racial or ethnic slurs (Neel, 2017). In the past, Oregon and the United States government have worked together on the topic of immigration such as with \u201cOperation Wetback\u201d which involved mass deportations of undocumented people (Bussel, 2008). As time went on, Oregon began the process of becoming a sanctuary state in 1977 (Wilson, 2018). This essentially means that Oregon does not use its resources to enforce federal law on immigration (Wilson, 2018). Throughout the state the formation of organizations like PCUN contrasted with what was happening in the country (Bussel, 2008). However, Oregon does have a history of reinforcing white supremacy through its laws (Bussel, 2008). During the Trump administration there has been an increase in negative immigration rhetoric, mass deportations, and increased border security (Wilson, 2018). The increase of immigrants to Oregon is due to varying factors like agricultural jobs, less demand of other types of jobs in other states, and existing networks of services (Bussel, 2008). While there is an increase of immigration in the state, anti-immigrant groups have engaged in efforts to repeal Oregon\u2019s sanctuary status. Nonetheless, this measure did not make it to the 2018 ballot (Wilson, 2018).<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Referencias\/References:<\/strong><\/p>\n\n\n\n

Bussel, R., & University of Oregon. (2008). La experiencia de los inmigrantes de Oreg\u00f3n: estudios, an\u00e1lisis y recomendaciones de un grupo de investigadores de la Universidad de Oreg\u00f3n. Eugene, Or.]: University of Oregon.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Meyers, D. W., & Yau, J. (2017, March 2). U.S. Immigration Statistics in 2003. Retrieved from https:\/\/www.migrationpolicy.org\/article\/us-immigration-statistics-2003<\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

Neel, J. (2017, November 1). Poll: 1 In 3 Latinos Report Discrimination Based on Ethnicity. Retrieved from https:\/\/www.npr.org\/sections\/thetwo-way\/2017\/11\/01\/561185815\/poll-1-in-3-latinos-report-discrimination-based-on-ethnicity<\/a> <\/p>\n\n\n\n

Wilson, C. (2018, May 31). 30 Years After Its Passing, Oregon’s ‘Sanctuary State’ Law Serves as A Model for Others. <\/p>\n\n\n\n

Entrevistado\/Interviewee: Marco Antonio \u200bCh\u00e1vez<\/strong><\/p>\n\n\n\n

Contexto hist\u00f3rico:<\/strong> <\/strong>Marco lleg\u00f3 a los Estados Unidos en el a\u00f1o 1988 cuando ten\u00eda 8 a\u00f1os. Durante este tiempo, el gobierno de Oreg\u00f3n puso en su constituci\u00f3n del estado que no habr\u00eda descriminacion contra nadie. Esto se significaba que los estudiantes de color ten\u00edan que recibir la misma educaci\u00f3n y tratamiento que lo otros ni\u00f1os. En este tiempo, tambi\u00e9n hab\u00eda un grupo de movimiento social que ayudaba a los migrantes llamado PCUN. En este a\u00f1o, 1,300 inmigrantes solicitaron amnist\u00eda en virtud de la legislaci\u00f3n de 1986 y 98% de estas aplicaciones fueron aceptadas. Para los inmigrantes esto fue bueno porque lograron estar en los Estados Unidos ilegalmente. Durante este tiempo, la comunidad latina contribuy\u00f3 a Oregon por ser el 2.5 por ciento de las poblaci\u00f3n. Esto se acumula a 65,000 personas. Oregon tuvo una recesi\u00f3n durante este tiempo y los agricultores empezaron a depender mucho de los latinos para mantener sus terrenos. Los agricultores empezaron a traer inmigrantes de M\u00e9xico porque ellos trabajaban por salarios bajos y no se quejaban. A causa de todo esto, el gobierno de los Estados Unidos aprob\u00f3 la ley de Reforma y Control de Inmigraci\u00f3n y el Programa Especial de Trabajadores Agr\u00edcolas. Esta ley permiti\u00f3 que los inmigrantes que han estado en los Estados Unidos desde 1982 se conviertan en ciudadanos. Pero esta ley tambi\u00e9n ten\u00eda sus defectos: no permit\u00eda a los agricultores contratar trabajadores indocumentados. Aqu\u00ed en Oregon, 23,736 hispanos recibieron residencia permanente debajo del Programa Especial de Trabajadores Agr\u00edcolas.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Historical context: <\/strong>Marco came to the United States in 1988 when he was 8 years old. During this time the Oregon government put in its state constitution that there would be no discrimination against anyone. This meant that students of color had to receive the same education and treatment as other children. At this time there was also a social movement organization that helped immigrants called PCUN. This year, 1,300 immigrants applied for amnesty under the 1986 legislation, and 98% of these applications were accepted. For immigrants, this was good because they managed to be in the United States illegally. During this time the Latino community contributed to Oregon by being 2.5 percent of the population. This accumulates to be 65,000 people. Oregon had a recession during this time and farmers began to become very dependent on Latinos to help maintain their land. The farmers began to seek immigrants from Mexico because they worked for low wages and did not complain. Due to all of this, the United States government passed the Immigration Reform and Control Act and the Special Program for Agricultural Workers. This law allowed immigrants who have been in the United States since 1982 to become citizens. This law also had its flaws: it do not allow farmers to hire undocumented workers. Here in Oregon 23,736 Hispanics received permanent residence under the Special Farmworker Program.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Referencias\/References:<\/strong><\/p>\n\n\n\n

Garcia, Jerry. \u201cLatinos in Oregon (Essay).\u201d \u200bThe Oregon Encyclopedia<\/em>\u200b, 10 July 2019, oregonencyclopedia.org\/articles\/hispanics_in_oregon\/#.XsDArxNKhQI. \u201cHistory of PCUN.\u201d \u200bPCUN<\/em>,\u200b 5 June 2018, pcun.org\/about-pcun\/history-of-pcun\/<\/a> <\/p>\n\n\n\n

Entrevistado\/Interviewee: Jos\u00e9 Garc\u00eda<\/strong><\/p>\n\n\n\n

Contexto hist\u00f3rico:<\/strong> <\/strong>En el a\u00f1o que Jos\u00e9 Garc\u00eda emigr\u00f3 hacia los Estados Unidos la patrulla fronteriza todav\u00eda no hab\u00eda sido aumentada, no hasta la presidencia de Bush. No fue hasta el 2004 cuando Bush autoriz\u00f3 el contrato de 10,000 m\u00e1s agentes (Border Patrol History 2018). Esta cantidad fue aumentando m\u00e1s y m\u00e1s con los a\u00f1os. Se estima que hubo alrededor de 19,648 agentes trabajando para la patrulla fronteriza de los Estados Unidos en el 2019 (Duffin 2020). Con el aumento de patrulla, los costos para cruzar la frontera tambi\u00e9n aumentaron. Los coyotes que se encargan de guiar la gente cobran m\u00e1s hoy en d\u00eda que hace algunos a\u00f1os, como cuando Jos\u00e9 Garc\u00eda cruz\u00f3. Este aumento de patrulla tambi\u00e9n ha resultado en el aumento de muertes y desapariciones en el desierto. Esto es dado a que la gente ahora es forzada a cruzar el desierto por zonas m\u00e1s peligrosas, como el R\u00edo Grande y otras zonas que son menos patrulladas (Cornelius, Wayne A 2001). Esta cantidad de muertos y desaparecidos no pueden ser calculados perfectamente porque no todos los cuerpos son encontrados o reportados a las autoridades (Cornelius, Wayne A 2001). Aquellos que logran cruzar la frontera se establecen en una variedad de estados, pero de acuerdo con el censo, aquellos con una gran poblaci\u00f3n hispana son: California, Arizona, Florida, Colorado, Illinois, Texas, Washington, y otros m\u00e1s (US Census Bureau 2019). Jos\u00e9 Garc\u00eda decidi\u00f3 no quedarse en California, pero en vez se estableci\u00f3 en Oreg\u00f3n que tiene una poblaci\u00f3n hispana del 9.7% (US Census Bureau 2019). Esto es una cifra relativamente baja al considerar que hay aproximadamente 60 millones de hispanos en los Estados Unidos (US Census Bureau 2019). Pero como siempre, esta cifra no refleja la realidad de los Estados Unidos porque hay una gran cantidad de inmigrantes hispanos que no son representados dado al temor de ser detenidos y deportados. <\/p>\n\n\n\n

Historical context:<\/strong> The year that Jos\u00e9 Garc\u00eda immigrated to the United States, border patrol had not yet been reinforced, not until Bush\u2019s presidency. It wasn\u2019t until 2004 when Bush authorized the hiring of an additional 10,000 border patrol agents (Border Patrol History 2018). This sum has been growing more and more as the years pass by. It is estimated that there were approximately 19,648 agents working for the United States Border Patrol in 2019 (Duffin 2020). With the increase of surveillance, the cost of crossing the border has also increased. The coyotes who are in charge of guiding individuals through the desert have begun to charge more than what they did when Jos\u00e9 Garc\u00eda crossed. This increase of patrol has also resulted in more deaths and disappearances within the desert. This is due to the fact that people are now forced to cross the border through much more dangerous routes such as the Rio Grande and others as they are the least patrolled (Cornelius, Wayne A 2001). These amounts of dead or missing individuals cannot be calculated accurately as not all bodies are found or reported to the authorities (Cornelius, Wayne A 2001). Those who successfully cross the border establish themselves in various different states, but according to the census, the states with a high Hispanic population are California, Arizona, Florida, Colorado, Illinois, Texas, and Washington along with others (US Census Bureau 2019). Jos\u00e9 Garc\u00eda decided to not stay in California, but rather establish himself in Oregon which has a Hispanic population of 9.7% (US Census Bureau 2019). This statistic is relatively low considering the fact that there are approximately 60 million Hispanic individuals in the United States (US Census Bureau 2019). But as always, this statistic does not accurately reflect the reality within the U.S as there is a great number of Hispanic immigrants who are not represented out of fear of being detained and deported.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Referencias\/References:<\/strong><\/p>\n\n\n\n

Border Patrol History. (2018, October 8). Retrieved from https:\/\/www.cbp.gov\/border-security\/along-us-borders\/history<\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

Cornelius, Wayne A. “Death at the border: Efficacy and unintended consequences of US immigration control policy.” Population and development review 27.4 (2001): 661-685.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Duffin, E. (2020, March 20). U.S. border patrol – agent staffing 1992-2019. Retrieved from https:\/\/www.statista.com\/statistics\/455866\/us-border-patrol-agent-staffing\/<\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

US Census Bureau. (2019, October 9). Hispanic Heritage Month 2019. Retrieved from https:\/\/www.census.gov\/newsroom\/facts-for-features\/2019\/hispanic-heritage-month.html<\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

Entrevistados\/Interviewees: Jos\u00e9 Jaime y H\u00e9ctor Hinojosa<\/strong><\/p>\n\n\n\n

Contexto hist\u00f3rico:<\/strong> La participaci\u00f3n comunitaria de H\u00e9ctor Hinojosa y Jos\u00e9 Jaime en los a\u00f1os sesentas y setentas se produce como una faceta del movimiento chicano m\u00e1s amplio. El movimiento chicano\u2014o simplemente el Movimiento\u2014se centraba en el empoderamiento de los mexicanos americanos. Como cualquier movimiento de derechos civiles, el Movimiento se basaba en la organizaci\u00f3n comunitaria. Los aspectos m\u00e1s famosos fueron las huelgas de los trabajadores agr\u00edcolas y activismo estudiantil.  C\u00e9sar Ch\u00e1vez fund\u00f3 la Uni\u00f3n de Campesinos, que abogaba por un mejor salario y condiciones de trabajo.  M\u00faltiples huelgas ocurr\u00edan, y Ch\u00e1vez famosamente march\u00f3 de Delano a Sacramento, California para presionar al gobierno estatal.  Adem\u00e1s, hizo varias huelgas de hambre. Despu\u00e9s de a\u00f1os de dificultades, los due\u00f1os de los campos fueron forzados a entrar contratos de uni\u00f3n con los campesinos. Los campesinos latinos todav\u00eda se enfrentan a la explotaci\u00f3n, pero tienen m\u00e1s habilidad para organizarse. Los estudiantes latinos dirigieron retiradas para protestar por su tratamiento en las escuelas.  Muchas escuelas hab\u00edan prohibido hablar espa\u00f1ol, y los estudiantes se enfrentaban a un trato discriminatorio. Estudiantes de Los \u00c1ngeles, junto a maestros que no ten\u00edan prejuicios contra estudiantes latinos, y una facultad m\u00e1s representante de latinos, demandaron acceso a educaci\u00f3n biling\u00fce, la habilidad a hablar espa\u00f1ol. Ellos sintieron que no estaban recibiendo la misma calidad de educaci\u00f3n que sus compa\u00f1eros blancos. Las retiradas tuvieron \u00e9xito, y m\u00e1s facultad diversa se contrataron y el plan de estudios tuvo m\u00e1s enfoque en la gente no europea. Eso inspir\u00f3 activismo estudiantil en el futuro, y continu\u00f3 la lucha contra la desigualdad. Mientras discriminaci\u00f3n todav\u00eda existe, es menos tolerada y las condiciones son m\u00e1s equitativas. Las retiradas estudiantiles y las huelgas de los campesinos eran m\u00e1s radicales que la participaci\u00f3n de Hinojosa y Jaime creando instituciones para ayudar a los latinos, pero ambos dependen en organizaci\u00f3n comunitaria y la emergente conciencia social latina.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Historical Context: <\/strong>Hector Hinojosa and Jos\u00e9 Jaime\u2019s community involvement in the 1960\u2019s and 1970\u2019s exists as a facet of the broader Chicano movement.  The Chicano movement\u2014or El Movimiento\u2014focused on the empowerment of Mexican Americans.  As with any civil rights movement, it relied upon community organizing.  The most famous aspects of it were the farmer worker\u2019s strikes and student activism.  C\u00e9sar Chavez founded the United Farm Workers union, which advocated for better pay and working conditions.  Multiple strikes occurred, and Chavez famously marched from Delano to Sacramento, California to pressure the state government.  Additionally, he went on several hunger strikes.  After years of struggle, farmers were forced to enter union contracts with workers.  Latino farm workers are still facing exploitation, but have a greater ability to organize. <\/strong>Latino students led walkouts to protest their treatment in schools.  Many schools had bans against speaking Spanish, and the students faced discriminatory treatment.  Students in Los Angeles demanded access to bilingual education, the ability to speak Spanish, teachers who were not prejudiced against Latino students and more Latino teaching staff.  They felt they were not receiving the same quality of education as their white peers.  The walkouts were successful, as more diverse staff were hired and a non-Eurocentric curriculum was introduced.  It inspired future student activism and continued the fight against inequality.  While discrimination still exists, it is less tolerated, and conditions are more equitable.  The student walkouts and farm worker\u2019s strikes were more radical than Hinojosa and Jaime\u2019s involvement in creating institutions to help Latinos, but they both relied upon community organizing and an emerging Latino social consciousness.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Referencias\/References:<\/strong><\/p>\n\n\n\n

Kim, Inga. \u201cThe 1965-1970 Delano Grape Strike and Boycott.\u201d United Farm Workers<\/em>, 8 Mar. 2017, ufw.org\/1965-1970-delano-grape-strike-boycott\/<\/a>.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Wolf, Jessica. \u201cEast L.A. Chicano Student Walkouts: 50 Years Later.\u201d UCLA<\/em>, UCLA, 9 Mar. 2018, https:\/\/newsroom.ucla.edu\/stories\/east-l-a-chicano-student-walkouts:-50-years-later<\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

\u201c1968 East L.A. Chicano Student Walkouts (Blowouts).\u201d 1968 East L.A. Chicano Student Walkouts (Blowouts) | Los Angeles Conservancy<\/em>, Los Angeles Conservancy, www.laconservancy.org\/issues\/1968-east-la-chicano-student-walkouts-blowouts<\/a>.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Entrevistada\/Interviewee: Mar\u00eda Maga\u00f1a<\/strong><\/p>\n\n\n\n

Contexto hist\u00f3rico: <\/strong>Muchos mexicanos migran a los Estados Unidos por motivaci\u00f3n financiera, ya que el pago en trabajos manuales muchas de las veces no es mucho. A trav\u00e9s de la historia, el sector agr\u00edcola ha sido de industrias m\u00e1s grandes en el estado de Oregon. En Oreg\u03ccn, el noventa y cinco por ciento de los trabajadores en agricultura son hispanos – mayor\u00eda de ellos viviendo en el valle Willamette. Actualmente sigue creciendo la poblaci\u00f3n hispana, aunque en diferentes sectores. De todos modos, los hispanos son a\u00fan la columna vertebral de la industria. La educaci\u00f3n de un latino en Oreg\u03ccn todav\u00eda es una lucha ya que el promedio que se grad\u00faan de la secundaria est\u00e1 por debajo del promedio estatal. Adicionalmente, de entre quienes se grad\u00faan, no muchos van a la universidad. Esto es debido a que no hay muchos recursos para estudiantes hispanos, y si los hay, el estudiante no sabe de esos recursos. Un factor es que los padres migrantes no saben mucho del sistema de educaci\u00f3n en los Estados Unidos. Adem\u00e1s, su estatus socioecon\u00f3mico puede tener un papel importante en determinar qu\u00e9 tan involucrado est\u00e1 un padre. Porque muchas veces, los padres est\u00e1n m\u00e1s preocupados en sobrevivir el hoy y por esa raz\u00f3n es dif\u00edcil involucrarse en actividades que podr\u00edan beneficiar al estudiante. Ahora en d\u00eda, muchos distritos escolares ofrecen escuelas de inmersi\u00f3n. Este consiste en tomar clases en espa\u00f1ol una parte del d\u00eda escolar y en ingl\u00e9s durante la otra.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Historical context:<\/strong> Many of the Mexican migrants going to the United States do so for financial motivation. Since the payment in the labor intensive jobs is not much. Throughout history, the agricultural sector has been one of the largest industries in the state of Oregon. In Oregon, ninety-five percent of agricultural workers are Hispanic – most of them living in the Willamette Valley. Presently, the Hispanic population is growing and although many are working in different sectors Hispanics are still the backbone of the agricultural industry. The education of a Hispanic in Oregon is still a battle as the average high school graduation rate is below the state average. Additionally, many who graduate do not go to college for one reason or another. Many times they are unaware of the resources that are available to them and other times they don\u2019t know where to look. Another factor is that migrant parents don’t know much about the education system in the United States which can have drastic consequences for younger Hispanic students. Socioeconomic status also plays a role in determining how involved a parent is. Because many times, parents are more working paycheck by paycheck to sustain the family which makes it difficult for them to get involved in activities that will benefit the student. Nowadays, many school districts in Oregon offer dual immersion schools. This consists of offering classes entirely in Spanish for part of the school day and in English for the other half of the day.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Referencias\/References:<\/strong><\/p>\n\n\n\n

Stephen, Lynn. The Story of PCUN and the Farmworker Movement in Oregon. Red. ed. , University of Oregon. Center for Latino\/a and Latin American Studies, cllas.uoregon.edu\/wp-content\/uploads\/2010\/06\/PCUN_story_WEB.pdf<\/a>. <\/p>\n\n\n\n

Farmworker Housing Development Corporation. “About Farmworkers.” Farmworker Housing Development Corporation, fhdc.org\/about-farmworkers\/<\/a>. Accessed 15 May 2020.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Multnomah County. “Hispanics in Oregon’s Workforce.” Multnomah County, 1998, multco.us\/file\/24819\/download<\/a>.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Schhneider, Barbara, et al. “Barriers to Educational Opportunities for Hispanics in the United States.” National Center for Biotechnology Information, 2006, www.ncbi.nlm.nih.gov\/books\/NBK19909\/<\/a>.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Excelencia In Education. “Latino College Completion – Oregon.” Excelencia In Education, www.edexcelencia.org\/research\/latino-college-completion\/oregon<\/a>. Accessed 15 May 2020.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Entrevistado\/Interviewee: Sonny Montes<\/strong><\/p>\n\n\n\n

Contexto hist\u00f3rico:<\/strong> <\/strong>Durante el tiempo en que naci\u00f3 Montes, la normativa para inmigrantes fue trabajar en el campo. Pero durante los 1960s, Cesar Chavez, Dolores Huerta, y otras figuras importantes estaban luchando por los derechos de trabajadores agr\u00edcolas. Similarmente a la familia de Montes, muchas familias inmigrantes estaban haciendo todo lo que pod\u00edan para sobresalir y tener una mejor vida. Entre los 60 y 70 tambi\u00e9n era un tiempo confuso para Mexicano-Americanos de primera generaci\u00f3n porque no sab\u00edan c\u00f3mo navegar la sociedad en los Estados Unidos. Muchos estaban atrapados en el medio si deber\u00edan de tratar de asimilarse como medio de supervivencia o mantener su cultura, pero esto tambi\u00e9n podr\u00eda resultar en m\u00e1s obst\u00e1culos en su vida. Con Mexicano-Americanos de primera generaci\u00f3n intentando navegar del mejor modo y de sobresalir, y con inmigrantes tratando de luchar por derechos b\u00e1sicos, fue un tiempo dif\u00edcil y confuso para la gente mexicana. En los a\u00f1os 1960-1970, Oregon no ten\u00eda mucha gente Mexicana-Americana pero cuando los a\u00f1os progresaron, los n\u00fameros empezaron a subir. La gente latina no ten\u00eda recursos para progresar, entonces empezaron hacer su propios recursos y negocios y all\u00ed naci\u00f3 una comunidad. Ejemplos de estos negocios fueron Tortilladora Gonzalez (Ontario), Panaderia Rodriguez (Nyssa), Colegio de Cesar Chavez (Mt.Angel), Centro Cultural C\u00e9sar Ch\u00e1vez (Woodburn) y muchos m\u00e1s. Estas compa\u00f1\u00edas ense\u00f1aron a la poblaci\u00f3n la presencia de la comunidad Latina en Oreg\u00f3n y exigieron igualdad econ\u00f3mica, pol\u00edtica y social. Los esfuerzos de Montes y otras figuras resultaron en cambios en Oregon y el resto de los Estados Unidos. Aunque han llegado bien lejos desde donde estaban en 1970, la lucha contin\u00faa porque la comunidad latina todav\u00eda sufre injusticias. <\/p>\n\n\n\n

Historical Context: <\/strong>During the time Sonny was born, the societal norm for immigrants was to work in the fields. However, during the 1960\u2019s, Cesar Chavez, Dolores Huerta and other important figures were fighting for the rights of agricultural workers. Similarly to the Montes family, many immigrant families were doing everything they could to excel and have a better life. Between the 1960s and ’70s it was also a confusing time for first-generation Mexican-Americans because they didn’t know how to navigate society in the United States. Many were caught in the middle of whether they should assimilate with Anglo people as a means of survival or maintaining their culture, but this could also result in more obstacles in their lives. With first-generation Mexican-Americans trying to navigate the best way to excel in life and immigrants trying to fight for basic rights, this was a difficult and confusing time for Mexican people. In the 1960s-1970s, Oregon did not have many Mexican-American people, but as the years progressed, the numbers began to rise. The Latino people had no resources offered to them so they could excel, so they started creating their own resources, starting businesses, and there a community was born. Examples of these businesses were Tortilladora Gonzalez (Ontario), Panaderia Rodriguez (Nyssa), Colegio de Cesar Chavez (Mt.Angel), C\u00e9sar Ch\u00e1vez Cultural Center (Woodburn) and many more. These same companies taught people around Oregon that Latino people were present in Oregon whether they liked it or not and they demanded economic, political, and social equality. With the efforts of Sony and other figures changes have occurred in Oregon and throughout the United States. Although we have come a long way from where we were in 1970, we are still seeing injustices today and the fight is still going on.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Referencias\/References:<\/strong><\/p>\n\n\n\n

The Oregon Encyclopedia<\/em>, oregonencyclopedia.org\/articles\/hispanics_in_oregon\/#.Xr9ELehKjDc<\/a>.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Entrevistada\/Interviewee: Elena Pe\u00f1a<\/strong><\/p>\n\n\n\n

Contexto hist\u00f3rico: <\/strong>Durante 1950, la poblaci\u00f3n latina en Salem era peque\u00f1a. Pero la diversidad comenz\u00f3 a aparecer. Muchas personas trabajaron para mejorar la vida de los latinos. En la d\u00e9cada de 1960, hubo muchos movimientos sociales que transformaron Oregon. Personas involucradas en una reconstrucci\u00f3n civil que logr\u00f3 remodelar la sociedad. El Colegio C\u00e9sar Ch\u00e1vez fue la \u00fanica instituci\u00f3n acreditada e independiente que otorga t\u00edtulos para latinos en el pa\u00eds. A principios de la d\u00e9cada de 1980, los latinos eran aproximadamente el 2.5 por ciento de la poblaci\u00f3n de Oregon. Durante esta d\u00e9cada, la inmigraci\u00f3n y el trabajo de los inmigrantes se convirtieron nuevamente en problemas nacionales. El pa\u00eds entr\u00f3 en otra recesi\u00f3n. En 1986, el Congreso aprob\u00f3 una ley y cre\u00f3 un programa. La ley fue la Ley de Reforma y Control de la Inmigraci\u00f3n (IRCA), y el programa establecido fue el programa Special Agricultural Workers (SAW). Esto dio a los latinos indocumentados, que han estado en el pa\u00eds desde 1982, un estatus legal. Para la d\u00e9cada de 1990, la poblaci\u00f3n de latinos en Oregon creci\u00f3 en un 70 por ciento. A medida que se acercaba el siglo XXI, los latinos se convirtieron lentamente en el grupo m\u00e1s grande de minor\u00edas en Oreg\u00f3n. Para el a\u00f1o 2000, la poblaci\u00f3n latina creci\u00f3 un 144 por ciento. La poblaci\u00f3n total y permanente en 2003 creci\u00f3 hasta ser el 9 por ciento de la poblaci\u00f3n total de Oregon. En 2013, era aproximadamente el 12 por ciento. A medida que estos n\u00fameros contin\u00faan creciendo, hay m\u00e1s personas que a\u00fan luchan por los derechos y la protecci\u00f3n de las minor\u00edas.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Historical context: <\/strong>During the 1950s, the Latino population in Salem was small. But diversity began to appear. Many individuals worked to improve latinos\u2019 lives. In the 1960s, there were many social movements that transformed Oregon. People engaged in a civil reconstruction that succeeded in reshaping society. El Colegio Cesar Chavez was the only accredited, degree-granting, and independent institution for Latinos in the country. At the beginning of the 1980s, Latinos were about 2.5 percent of Oregon;s population. During this decade, immigration and immigrant labor became national issues again. The country went into another recession. In 1986, Congress passed an act and created a program. The act was the Immigration Reform and Control Act (IRCA), and the program established was the Special Agricultural Workers program (SAW). This gave undocumented Latinos, who have been in the country since 1982, legal status. By the 1990s, the population of Latinos in Oregon, grew by 70 percent. As the twenty-first century approached, Latinos slowly became the largest group of minorities in Oregon. By 2000, the Latino population grew by 144 percent. The total, permanent, population in 2003 grew to be 9 percent of Oregon\u2019s total population. In 2013, it was about 12 percent. As these numbers continue to grow, there are more people still fighting for the rights and protection of minorities.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Referencias\/References:<\/strong><\/p>\n\n\n\n

\u201cThe 1960s Came to Oregon… and Never Left.\u201d \u200bOregon Historical Society<\/em>\u200b, www.ohs.org\/events\/the-1960s-came-to-oregon-and-never-left.cfm\u200b<\/a>.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Garcia, Jerry. \u201cLatinos in Oregon (Essay).\u201d \u200bThe Oregon Encyclopedia<\/em>\u200b, oregonencyclopedia.org\/articles\/hispanics_in_oregon\/#.XsBiURNKiu4<\/a>.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Entrevistado\/Interviewee: Jos\u00e9 P\u00e9rez<\/strong><\/p>\n\n\n\n

Contexto hist\u00f3rico: <\/strong>Dado que la entrevista se enfoca sobre la discriminaci\u00f3n sobre los mexicanos. El origen de la discriminaci\u00f3n viene desde la guerra entre los Estados Unidos y M\u00e9xico, por la disputa sobre los territorios de Tejas y otras tierras de M\u00e9xico. Con tanta violencia se firm\u00f3 un acuerdo entre los dos pa\u00edses, del que naci\u00f3 el Tratado de Guadalupe Hidalgo. El prop\u00f3sito del tratado fue terminar con la guerra, y buscar una soluci\u00f3n entre los dos pa\u00edses. M\u00e1s, con los a\u00f1os, el sistema americano se volvi\u00f3 contra los mexicanos. Por ejemplo, en Lemon Grove, hab\u00eda una gran segregaci\u00f3n de estudiantes descendientes latinos que fueron puestos en una educaci\u00f3n mediocre. De hecho, las redes sociales y las noticias contribuyeron a ello, estableciendo una imagen del mexicano como personas que roban el trabajo y abusan del sistema. Al contrario, muchas de estas personas no pueden pedir asistencia de ayuda, ni tener la misma oportunidad que un americano. Como dice P\u00e9rez, los mexicanos necesitan trabajar doble para convencer a todos que merecen estar aqu\u00ed. En un estudio que Ortiz y Telles han investigado, dice que, los mexicanoamericanos que tienen menos educaci\u00f3n experimentan m\u00e1s discriminaci\u00f3n y estereotipos que un mexicanoamericano con educaci\u00f3n. Por lo tanto, si un mexicano tiene piel morena, estad\u00edsticamente va a experimentar m\u00e1s discriminaci\u00f3n. Sin embargo, como P\u00e9rez y la entrevistadora dicen, a pesar de que la discriminaci\u00f3n es inevitable, es importante educar a todos y apoyarse unos a otros.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Historical Context: <\/strong>Since the interview focuses on discrimination against Mexicans. The origin of discrimination comes from the war between the United States and Mexico, in the dispute for the territories of Texas plus other lands of Mexico. With such violence, an agreement was signed between the two countries from which the Treaty of Guadalupe Hidalgo was born. The purpose of the treaty was to end the war, and to seek a solution between the two countries. Over the years, the American system turned against supporting the Mexicans. For example, in Lemon Grove, there was a great segregation of students of Latino descent who were put into a mediocre education. In fact, social networks and the news contributed to this, establishing an image of the Mexican as people who steal work and abuse the system. On the contrary, many of these people cannot ask for any assistance, nor have the same opportunities as an American. As P\u00e9rez says, Mexicans need to work double to convince everyone that they deserve to be here. In a study that Ortiz and Telles have investigated, he says that Mexican Americans with less education experience more discrimination and stereotypes than an educated Mexican American. Therefore, if a Mexican has brown skin, statistically they will experience more discrimination. However, as P\u00e9rez and the interviewer say, despite discrimination is unavoidable, it is important to educate everyone and support one another.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Referencias\/References<\/strong><\/p>\n\n\n\n

Jr., Ruben Navarrette. \u201cAfter El Paso Shooting, Mexican Americans Can No Longer Be an Ambivalent Minority.\u201d USA Today, Gannett Satellite Information Network, 18 Aug. 2019, www.usatoday.com\/story\/opinion\/2019\/08\/16\/mexican-americans-immigration-el-paso-shooting-minority-racism-column\/2010038001\/<\/a>.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Ortiz, Vilma, and Edward Telles. \u201cRacial Identity and Racial Treatment of Mexican Americans.\u201d Race and Social Problems, U.S. National Library of Medicine, Apr. 2012, www.ncbi.nlm.nih.gov\/pmc\/articles\/PMC3846170\/<\/a>.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

History.com Editors. \u201cTreaty of Guadalupe Hidalgo.\u201d History.com, A&E Television Networks, 9 Nov. 2009, www.history.com\/topics\/mexican-american-war\/treaty-of-guadalupe-hidalgo<\/a>.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

\u201cMexican-American War.\u201d History.com, A&E Television Networks, 21 Aug. 2018, www.history.com\/topics\/mexican-american-war<\/a>.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Entrevistado\/Interviewee: Samuel Quiroz<\/strong><\/p>\n\n\n\n

Contexto Hist\u00f3rico: <\/strong>Samuel y su familia se mudaron a Oregon en 1989, antes de la implementaci\u00f3n de una pl\u00e9tora de leyes anti-inmigratorios. Mencion\u00f3 que cruzar por cami\u00f3n fue m\u00e1s f\u00e1cil que cruzar con visa. Realmente, el programa visa (EB-5 inversionista) creado bajo el Acto de Inmigraci\u00f3n en 1990 hizo que inmigrantes con la visa no pudieran ir m\u00e1s de 200 millas de la frontera. El prop\u00f3sito de EB-5 fue crear trabajos estadounidenses y desarrollar poblaciones de menos de 20 mil personas y ciudades con niveles altos del desempleo (Relocate Global). En los 1990, hab\u00eda mucha legislaci\u00f3n anti-inmigratoria que quer\u00eda quitar los derechos y los servicios provistos a inmigrantes (Silva 2019). <\/strong>Muchas personas emigraron desde M\u00e9xico a los EE.UU. al resultado de la menosprecia del peso por la firma del Tratado de Libre Comercio de Am\u00e9rica del Norte (NAFTA) (del Bosque 2020). En 1993, la operaci\u00f3n \u201cGuardar la l\u00ednea\u201d tom\u00f3 lugar en El Paso, Tejas, y la operaci\u00f3n \u201cPortero\u201d en San Diego, California, al intento de parar la llegada de e iniciar miedo a inmigrantes viniendo a los EE. UU. (U.S. Customs and Border Protection 2018). La entrevista de Samuel es interesante porque dice que no era sometido a mucho racismo, tal vez por vivir en poblaciones peque\u00f1as y constituidas mayormente por otros inmigrantes. En 1996, el congreso federal de los EE. UU. firm\u00f3 el \u201cPersonal Responsibility and Work Opportunity Reconciliation Act,\u201d que imped\u00eda a los  inmigrantes acceder a servicios de salud p\u00fablica y asistencia monetaria (Silva 2019). M\u00e1s, la administraci\u00f3n del presidente Clinton envi\u00f3 fuerzas armadas a la frontera para parar la inmigraci\u00f3n y \u201casegurar las fronteras\u201d (Amend 2020). Esta \u00e9poca de t\u00e1cticas miedosas fue instigada por preocupaciones falsas que inmigrantes estaban vaciando dep\u00f3sitos financieros del gobierno federal. En realidad, los inmigrantes contribuyen significativamente al crecimiento de la econom\u00eda estadounidense.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Historical Context: <\/strong>Samuel and his family moved to Oregon in 1989 before implementation of a plethora of anti-immigration laws. In the interview, he mentioned that it was easier to cross the border by truck than by using a visa. Truly, the visa EB-5 investment program created under the Immigration Act of 1990 made it so that immigrants with visas could not pass farther than 200 miles from the border. The purpose of EB-5 was to create United States jobs and develop towns with less than 20,000 people and cities with high unemployment rates (Relocate Global). In the 1990s, there was a lot of anti-immigration legislation that wanted to take away rights and services provided to immigrants (Silva 2019). Many people migrated from Mexico to the U.S. after the depreciation of the Mexican peso from the signing of the North American Free Trade Agreement (del Bosque 2020). In 1993, operation \u201cGuard the Line\u201d commenced in El Paso, Texas, and operation \u201cGatekeeper\u201d in San Diego, California, were intended to stop immigration and instill fear to those coming to the U.S. (U.S. Customs and Border Protection 2018). Samuel\u2019s interview is interesting because he says he was not exposed to a lot of racism, potentially because he lived with other immigrants, and in small towns. In 1996, the federal congress of the U.S. signed the \u201cPersonal Responsibility and Work Opportunity Reconciliation Act,\u201d stopping immigrants from accessing public health and monetary services (Silva 2019). Moreover, the Clinton administration sent armed forces to the border to stop immigration and \u201csecure the borders\u201d (Amend 2020). This time period of fear tactics was instigated from false beliefs that immigrants were draining financial reserves of the federal government. In reality, immigrants contribute significantly to the growth of the U.S. economy.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Referencias\/References:<\/strong><\/p>\n\n\n\n

Amend, Alex. 2020. How Democrats let the Right win on immigration. The New Republic<\/em>, asesado en el red 15 de mayo, 2020 en: https:\/\/newrepublic.com\/article\/157478\/democrats-let-right-win-immigration-daniel-denvir-all-american-nativism<\/a>.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

del Bosque, Melissa. 2020. A group of agents rose through the ranks to lead the Border Patrol. They\u2019re leaving it in crisis. ProPublica, <\/em>asesado en el red 15 de mayo, 2020 en: https:\/\/www.propublica.org\/article\/a-group-of-agents-rose-through-the-ranks-to-lead-the-border-patrol-theyre-leaving-it-in-crisis<\/a>.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Relocate Global. 2020. U.S. Green card: new rule for future investor-residents. Relocate Global, <\/em>asesado en el red 15 de mayo, 2020 en: https:\/\/www.relocatemagazine.com\/news\/immigration-usa-green-card-new-rule-for-future-investor-residents-0420-reeditor<\/a>.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Silva, Andrea. 2019. How California\u2019s Prop. 187 is still shaping immigration policy \u2013 25 years after it passed. The Washington Post<\/em>, asesado en el red 15 de mayo, 2020 en: https:\/\/www.washingtonpost.com\/politics\/2019\/11\/25\/how-californias-prop-is-still-shaping-immigration-policy-years-after-it-passed\/<\/a>.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

U.S. Customs and Border Protection. 2018. Border patrol history. Department of Homeland Security, <\/em>asesado en la red el 15 de mayo, 2020 en: https:\/\/www.cbp.gov\/border-security\/along-us-borders\/history<\/a>.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Entrevistado\/Interviewee: Antonio Morales Rodr\u00edguez<\/strong><\/p>\n\n\n\n

Contexto hist\u00f3rico: <\/strong>Antonio, como muchos mexicanos, migran a los Estados Unidos en busca de una nueva vida, llenos de ilusiones y con ganas de trabajar. Pero al llegar a este pa\u00eds \u201clibre\u201d se encuentra con muchas dificultades y obst\u00e1culos. Antonio cuenta que \u00e9l no tuvo dificultades en cruzar la frontera porque pudo obtener una visa. Mucha gente no tiene ese privilegio, y tienen que cruzar de manera creativa. Unos de los ejemplos es usar la visa de otro familiar, cruzar por t\u00fanel, cruzar por el desierto \u2013que por cierto es muy peligroso\u2013 o contratar a un coyote. Esa es una de las primeras dificultades. Luego sigue la barrera del idioma. Antonio pudo asistir a clases de ingl\u00e9s y tomar el curso por un a\u00f1o. Cuando la gente viene sin documentos, es m\u00e1s dif\u00edcil tomar clases. Despu\u00e9s, sigue la discriminaci\u00f3n, un tema no agradable. Antonio fue muy afortunado porque no ha sufrido discriminaci\u00f3n, a \u00e9l lo han tratado muy bien. Para a\u00f1adir m\u00e1s obst\u00e1culos las condiciones en que muchas de las personas trabajan no son nada gratas. La agricultura es un trabajo pesado y desgasta al cuerpo. Tambi\u00e9n, las viviendas en donde viven no son las mejores. Antonio es muy afortunado y no tuvo esas dificultades. Pero, se enfrent\u00f3 con la dificultad de no tener beneficios como muchas de las personas que trabajan en la agricultura. El solo tiene seguro m\u00e9dico para su hijo. El sue\u00f1a en encontrar un mejor empleo con beneficios. Tambi\u00e9n es algo que muchas de las personas anhelan.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Historical context<\/strong>: Antonio, like other Mexican people migrate to the United States in hope of making a better life. They are full of hope and ready to work. But as they arrive in this \u201cfree\u201d country they come across lots of obstacles. Antonio, tells that he didn\u2019t have difficulty crossing the border because he was able to get a visa. A lot of people don\u2019t have that luck, and have to find a different way to cross. Some of the different ways they may cross is to use a fake visa, a tunnel, by foot which is very dangerous or use a coyote. That is one of the first obstacles they face, then it\u2019s the language barrier. Antonio was able to sign up for a course and take a whole year of English. Not a lot of people can do that, because when you are undocumented there is fear and less likely to sign up for a class. Discrimination is next, Antonio says he hasn\u2019t been a victim of discrimination. To add more obstacles the conditions in which people who work in agriculture are terrible. Working in agriculture is hard work and hard on the body. Not to mention the mind. The living conditions are also not the best. Again, Antonio has lucked out and didn\u2019t have to face a lot of these obstacles but he does face the obstacle of having no benefits. He wishes to find a better job that offers benefits, at the moment his son who is born here has medical insurance. Having great benefits is what a lot of people hope for.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Entrevistado\/Interviewee: Jos\u00e9 Romero<\/strong><\/p>\n\n\n\n

Contexto hist\u00f3rico:<\/strong> El activismo chicano de Jos\u00e9 Romero ocurri\u00f3 durante una ola de apoyo a la sindicalizaci\u00f3n de los trabajadores agr\u00edcolas. Cinco a\u00f1os antes de la entrada de Romero en la escuela de posgrado, comenz\u00f3 la famosa huelga de la uva en Delano (Delano Grape Strike). Esta huelga fue dirigida por C\u00e9sar Ch\u00e1vez y trabajadores agr\u00edcolas filipinos y latinos unidos para exigir mejores condiciones de trabajo y salarios m\u00e1s altos. Las huelgas de los trabajadores agr\u00edcolas unidos (UFW) eventualmente llevaron a boicots a las uvas a trav\u00e9s de Norteam\u00e9rica (Kim, 2017). A medida que el movimiento se extend\u00eda, mantuvo su mensaje no violento. En 1966, C\u00e9sar Ch\u00e1vez lider\u00f3 una marcha de 300 millas desde Delano a Sacramento. Durante la marcha de 25 d\u00edas, su n\u00famero aument\u00f3 de s\u00f3lo 100 trabajadores agr\u00edcolas a miles de manifestantes pac\u00edficos (Latino Americans, <\/em>2013). Para 1970, el boicot a la uva fue un gran \u00e9xito. Los productores de uva de mesa firmaron sus primeros contratos sindicales, otorgando a los trabajadores mejores salarios, beneficios y protecciones (Kim, 2017). En las d\u00e9cadas siguientes, durante el comienzo del activismo de Romero, los trabajadores agr\u00edcolas unidos (UFW) continuaron utilizando huelgas no violentas, boicots, marchas y ayunos para ayudar a los trabajadores agr\u00edcolas a defender sus derechos y obtener el apoyo de los estadounidenses comunes. Este per\u00edodo en la historia de los Estados Unidos fue un momento de gran contenci\u00f3n por los derechos de los chicanos y latinos. Decenas de miles de estudiantes participaron en huelgas escolares en 1968 para exigir un trato justo de los estudiantes y familias chicanas en el sistema educativo. En los a\u00f1os setenta y ochenta hubo una gran afluencia de cubanos que hu\u00edan a los Estados Unidos. Esto aument\u00f3 las tensiones entre comunidades hispanas y blancas, particularmente en Florida. Los cubanos fueron etiquetados como peligrosos o enfermos mentales y las campa\u00f1as “solo en ingl\u00e9s” crecieron en popularidad (Latino Americans, <\/em>2013). Durante este tiempo de tensi\u00f3n, activistas chicanos, como Jos\u00e9 Romero, lucharon por los derechos y el trato justo de los chicanos y latinos.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Historical Context:<\/strong> Jos\u00e9 Romero\u2019s Chicano activism took place during a wave of pro-farmworker unionization. Five years prior to Romero\u2019s entry into graduate school, the famous Delano Grape Strike began. This strike was led by Cesar Chavez and united Filipino and Latino farm workers to demand better working conditions and higher pay. The United Farm Workers\u2019 strikes eventually led to grape boycotts that spread across North America (Kim, 2017). As the movement spread, it kept its nonviolent methods. In 1966, Cesar Chavez led a 300-mile march from Delano to Sacramento. During the 25 day march their numbers grew from just 100 farm workers to thousands of peaceful protestors (Latino Americans<\/em>, 2013). By 1970, the grape boycott was a complete success. Table grape growers signed their first union contracts, granting workers better pay, benefits, and protections (Kim, 2017). In the decades that followed, when Romero became an active participant, the United Farm Workers (UFW) continued using nonviolent strikes, boycotts, marches and fasts to help farm workers stand up for their rights and gather support from ordinary Americans to aid them in their efforts. This time in American history was a period of great contention for Chicano and Latinos rights. Tens of thousands of students participated in high school walkouts in 1968 to demand fair treatment of Chicano students and families in the education system. In the 1970s and 80s there was a large influx of Cubans fleeing to the U.S. This increased tensions between Hispanic and white communities, particularly in Florida. Cubans were labelled as mentally ill or dangerous and English-only campaigns skyrocketed in popularity (Latino Americans,<\/em> 2013). Throughout this time period, Chicano activists, such as Jos\u00e9 Romero, fought for the rights and fair treatment of Chicanos and Latinos.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Referencias\/References:<\/strong><\/p>\n\n\n\n

Kim, I. (2017). The 1965-1970 Delano Grape Strike and Boycott<\/em>. UFW. Retrieved 16 May 2020, from https:\/\/ufw.org\/1965-1970-delano-grape-strike-boycott\/<\/a>.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Latino Americans: Timeline of Important Dates<\/em>. Latino Americans. (2013). Retrieved from https:\/\/www.pbs.org\/latino-americans\/en\/timeline\/<\/a>. <\/p>\n\n\n\n

Entrevistado\/Interviewee: Miguel Salinas<\/strong><\/p>\n\n\n\n

Contexto hist\u00f3rico:<\/strong> El contexto hist\u00f3rico de la entrevista transcurre entre los 50s y el principio de los 80s. Es importante reconocer que en este \u00e9poca la poblaci\u00f3n de latinos en Oregon era baja, y Miguel nos cuenta que su padre fue unos de los primeros que llegaron a Oreg\u00f3n como tejano. Igual nos describe un tiempo que Woodburn no fue conocido por su poblaci\u00f3n latina, como hoy en d\u00eda. En su entrevista nos dice que antes era dif\u00edcil ver una persona mexicana\/tejana en la zona c\u00e9ntrica mientras que ahora es dif\u00edcil encontrar un anglo por all\u00ed. Nos describe un tiempo en lo que casi no existieron negocios operados por individuos que no eras anglos. Hab\u00eda pocos profesores como Miguel y poca gente que estuviera estudiando en la universidad. Unos de los primeros temas que menciona cuando comienza la entrevista es que cuando se gradu\u00f3 de la universidad hubo nomas tres mexicanos, incluyendolo a \u00e9l. Imagine la diferencia hoy en d\u00eda, la cantidad de personas latinos que se grad\u00faan de las universidades de Oreg\u00f3n. Tambi\u00e9n es importante reconocer la falta de recursos para trabajadores migrantes. Miguel describe en detalle los campamentos donde que viv\u00eda con su familia cuando migraron para el trabajo. Los apartamentos eran muy costosos, entonces los trabajadores viv\u00edan en los campos donde trabajaban en malas condiciones y con pocos recursos de salud y educaci\u00f3n. Estaban aislados de la comunidad de Woodburn, hasta que muchas familias decidieron juntar sus ahorros e invertir en propiedad y negocios. Poco a poco los barrios se llenaron de trabajadores del campo, a medida que se iban instalando y echando ra\u00edces all\u00ed. <\/p>\n\n\n\n

Historical Context: <\/strong>The context of the interview takes place in the 50s through the early 80s. It is important to recognize that at this time the population of Latinos in Oregon was not like it is today, Miguel tells us that his father was one of the first to arrive in Oregon as a Tejano. At the same time, he tells us that Woodburn was not known for its Latino population, as today. As the interview tells us that before it was difficult to see a Mexican \/ Texan person in the downtown area, now it is difficult to find a White person there. It describes a time when there were almost no businesses nor property owned by non-Whites. There were few professors like Miguel and few people who studied at the university. One of the first few things he mentions at the beginning of the interview is that when he graduated from college there were just three Mexicans, including himself. Imagine how many Latinx people graduate from Oregon universities today. Something that is important to recognize is the lack of resources for migrant workers at the time. Miguel describes in detail the camps where he lived with his family when they moved around for work. Before, apartments were too expensive for field workers, so they had to live in the same fields they worked in. The living conditions were poor and had very few health and education resources. They were isolated from the Woodburn community, until many families decided to pool their savings and invest in property and businesses. Then the neighborhoods were filled with farm worker families as they began to settle down, take root and develop a new community.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Entrevistado\/Interviewee: Jes\u00fas Sep\u00falveda<\/strong><\/p>\n\n\n\n

Contexto Hist\u00f3rico: <\/strong>En la d\u00e9cada de 1980, cuando Jes\u00fas emigr\u00f3 por primera vez a los EE.UU, alrededor del 2.5% de la poblaci\u00f3n de Oregon estaba compuesta por latinos, de los cuales el 29.9% viv\u00eda en la pobreza. Jes\u00fas experiment\u00f3 esta estad\u00edstica de primera mano, mientras luchaba por encontrar un trabajo estable. Durante un tiempo dependi\u00f3 financieramente de su padre en M\u00e9xico, lo cual era vergonzoso ya que la expectativa es que los mexicanos en los EE. UU. mantengan a la familia en M\u00e9xico, y no al rev\u00e9s. Jes\u00fas habla de la cultura en M\u00e9xico y c\u00f3mo \u00e9sta se suele ver como dominada por la masculina. \u00c9l habla de que usualmente los hombres deciden c\u00f3mo debe ser su casa y c\u00f3mo debe actuar la esposa, pero en su propia experiencia \u00e9l ve una relaci\u00f3n entre hombre y esposa como una sociedad en lugar de una propiedad, visi\u00f3n que podr\u00eda estar influenciada por su tiempo viviendo en los Estados Unidos. Otro tema muy discutido es la forma “liberal” en que viven los estadounidenses. Jes\u00fas habla de los ancianos alojados en hogares de ancianos y de los j\u00f3venes de 19 a\u00f1os que aqu\u00ed no respetan a sus padres. En M\u00e9xico, los ancianos son sagrados y son atendidos por toda su familia y a los ni\u00f1os se les ense\u00f1a a respetar siempre a sus padres sin importar que edad alcancen. Jes\u00fas vivi\u00f3 una vida mexicana en una sociedad estadounidense y not\u00f3 r\u00e1pidamente las diferencias, pero en general ha prosperado en los Estados Unidos y comenz\u00f3 su propia historia de vida en la ciudad de Corvallis.     <\/p>\n\n\n\n

Historical Context: <\/strong>In the 1980s, when Jes\u00fas first immigrated to the US, about 2.5% of Oregon’s population was made up of Latinos, of whom 29.9% lived in poverty. Jesus experienced this statistic firsthand, as he struggled to find a steady job. For sometime, he was financially dependent on his father in Mexico, which was embarrassing since the expectation is that Mexicans in the US will support the family in Mexico, and not the other way around. Jes\u00fas talks about culture in Mexico and how it is often seen as dominated by the male. He talks about how usually men decide what their house should be like and how the wife should act, but in his own experience he sees a relationship between a man and a wife as a partnership rather than a property, a view that could be influenced by his time living in the United States. Another hotly contested issue is the “liberal” way Americans live. Jes\u00fas speaks of the elderly housed in nursing homes and of the 19-year-olds who here do not respect their parents. In Mexico, the elderly are sacred and are cared for by their entire family and children are taught to always respect their parents no matter what age they reach. Jes\u00fas lived a Mexican life in an American society and quickly noticed the differences, but overall he has thrived in the United States and began his own life story in the city of Corvallis.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Entrevistada\/Interviewee: Tomasa Sep\u00falveda<\/strong><\/p>\n\n\n\n

Contexto hist\u00f3rico: <\/strong>El contexto de la historia que cont\u00f3 Tomasa es de que ella ha tenido que trabajar por pr\u00e1cticamente la gran mayor\u00eda de su vida. Desde que era ni\u00f1a, ha trabajado y no para ganar dinero para ella. Ella fue motivada a trabajar por el bienestar de su familia y de sus hijos. El contexto hist\u00f3rico es de que pasar y quedarse aqu\u00ed es un proceso largo. Ten\u00eda miedo pr\u00e1cticamente de lo que no sab\u00eda. No sab\u00eda que iba a pasar y no sab\u00eda el idioma tampoco, como muchos otros inmigrantes. Uno de cada diez residentes de Oreg\u00f3n es inmigrante (\u201cImmigrants in Oregon\u201d). Uno de cada ocho residentes nacidos aqu\u00ed, tienen un padre o madre con lo menos que son inmigrantes (\u201cImmigrants in Oregon\u201d). M\u00e1s de 1\/3 de los agricultores, pescadores, y silvicultores son inmigrantes tambi\u00e9n (\u201cImmigrants in Oregon\u201d). Casi el 23 por ciento de todos los trabajadores de producci\u00f3n son inmigrantes (\u201cImmigrants in Oregon\u201d). En 2015, casi 10 por ciento de la poblaci\u00f3n fueron nacidos en otro pa\u00eds (\u201cImmigrants in Oregon\u201d). En 2016, 42.3 por ciento de inmigrantes fueron naturalizados (US Legal, Inc.). En ser naturalizado dice que uno fue nacido en otro pa\u00eds, pero en concordancia de la ley se ha hecho ciudadano (US Legal, Inc.). Como he mencionado antes, uno de cada ocho aqu\u00ed es un inmigrante. Es que decir que los inmigrantes contribuyen mucho a la poblaci\u00f3n que trabajan con mucho esfuerzo del cuerpo. En 2014, los inmigrantes contribuyeron $736.6 millones en impuestos (\u201cImmigrants in Oregon\u201d). Entonces, despu\u00e9s de haber dado unos datos, es muy evidente que los inmigrantes s\u00ed est\u00e1n aqu\u00ed para quedarse. Es evidente que s\u00ed contribuyen al estado. Como Tomasa, los inmigrantes vienen aqu\u00ed para mejorar su bienestar, construir un mejor futuro para sus hijos, y como efecto alrededor de las metas m\u00e1s grandes, contribuyen a la sociedad y la poblaci\u00f3n. Para m\u00ed, siento que Tomasa ha tenido la misma experiencia que muchos otros de los inmigrantes Mexicanos. No es que decir que pas\u00f3 por todo esto f\u00e1cilmente. Lo que yo creo es que apoya el argumento que la poblaci\u00f3n minoritaria de mexicanos aqu\u00ed todos comparten m\u00e1s o menos la misma historia. Todos vienen aqu\u00ed para darle m\u00e1s poder y oportunidad a la generaci\u00f3n que sigue. Es evidente que tienen que hay muchas historias que son diferentes. Agradezco la entrevista de Tomasa porque muestra el amor de una madre por sus hijos, y tambi\u00e9n muestra los positivos y negativos de nuestra sociedad. Es como algo para abrir la mente m\u00e1s con el contexto y respeto a los inmigrantes.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Historical context: <\/strong>The context of the story that Tomasa told is that she has had to work for practically a great majority of her life. Since she was a child, she has worked and earned money for herself and her family. She was motivated to work for the good of her whole family and for her children at a later time in her life. The historical context is that going and staying here is a long process. She was practically afraid of what she didn’t know. She did not know what was going to happen, and she did not know the language like many other immigrants. One in ten Oregon residents is an immigrant. One in eight residents born here have a parent with at least one of them being an immigrant (\u201cImmigrants in Oregon\u201d). More than 1\/3 of the farmers, fishermen, and foresters are immigrants as well (\u201cImmigrants in Oregon\u201d). Nearly 23 percent of all production workers are immigrants (“Immigrants in Oregon”). In 2015, almost 10 percent of the population were born in another (“Immigrants in Oregon”). In 2016, 42.3 percent of immigrants were naturalized (US Legal, Inc.). Being naturalized is to say that one was born in another country, but in accordance with the law, one has become a citizen (US Legal, Inc.). As mentioned before, one in eight here is an immigrant. It is to say that immigrants contribute a lot to the population who work with much physical labor. In 2014, immigrants contributed $736.6 million in taxes (\u201cImmigrants in Oregon\u201d). So, after some data has been given, it is very evident that immigrants are here to stay. It is evident that they do contribute to the state. Like Tomasa, immigrants come here to improve their well-being, build a better future for their children, and as an effect around the bigger goals, they contribute to society and the population. For me, I feel that Tomasa has had the same experience for many of the Mexican immigrants. It is not to say that I go through all this easily. What I believe is that it supports the argument that the minority population of Mexicans here all share the same story. Everyone comes here to give more power and opportunity to the next generation. It goes without saying that there are many stories that are different. I appreciate Tomasa’s interview because it shows the love of a mother for her children, and it also shows the positives and negatives of our society. It\u2019s something to open your mind more with context and respect for immigrants.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Referencias\/References:<\/strong><\/p>\n\n\n\n

\u201cImmigrants in Oregon.\u201d American Immigration Council<\/em>, 8 May 2018, \u00a0 \u00a0 \u00a0 \u00a0 \u00a0 \u00a0 \u00a0\u00a0\u00a0 www.americanimmigrationcouncil.org\/research\/immigrants-oregon<\/a>.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

US Legal, Inc. \u201cNaturalized Citizen Law and Legal Definition.\u201d Naturalized Citizen Law and Legal Definition | USLegal, Inc.<\/em>, USLegal, definitions.uslegal.com\/n\/naturalized-citizen\/<\/a>.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Entrevista\/Interviewee: Elida Sifuentes<\/strong><\/p>\n\n\n\n

Contexto hist\u00f3rico: <\/strong>En los a\u00f1os sesenta, la poblaci\u00f3n de latinos en Oregon continu\u00f3 creciendo y estableci\u00e9ndose en el estado. En esa \u00e9poca, m\u00e1s familias, en vez de hombres solteros, llegaron para trabajar en los campos agr\u00edcolas. Sin embargo, las viviendas que estaban disponibles a\u00fan estaban preparadas para hombres que solamente se quedaban por un tiempo corto (Loprinzi, 1991). Entonces, las condiciones en los campamentos, como en el que Elida viv\u00eda, no eran adecuadas para familias. Los cuartos eran chiquitos, no estaban aislados contra el fr\u00edo del invierno, las literas se alineaban con las paredes, y los ba\u00f1os permanec\u00edan ubicados fuera de las caba\u00f1as (Loprinzi, 1991). Las condiciones en los campos tampoco eran buenas, y muchos tem\u00edan las repercusiones si se quejaban. A pesar de todo, para 1970 la poblaci\u00f3n latina en Oregon hab\u00eda crecido a 32,000 (Garcia, n.f.). Adem\u00e1s, los a\u00f1os sesenta y ochenta se describen como: \u201cun tiempo de acci\u00f3n y organizaci\u00f3n para los latinos e hispanos de Oregon\u201d (Travel Portland, 2020). Por ejemplo, el primer colegio para latinos, Colegio C\u00e9sar Ch\u00e1vez, se abri\u00f3 en 1973 (Travel Portland, 2020). Luego en 1997, el Willamette Valley Immigration Project fue fundado y en 1985, Pineros y Campesinos Unidos del Noreste en Woodburn fue establecido (Travel Portland, 2020). Muchos a\u00f1os despu\u00e9s, todav\u00eda hay abogac\u00eda y esfuerzos para ayudar a los latinos, especialmente a los que trabajan en la agricultura. Sin embargo, las mismas condiciones infrahumanas existen en los trabajos agr\u00edcolas y a\u00fan hay falta de beneficios y derechos para los inmigrantes. La situaci\u00f3n est\u00e1 cambiando poco a poco, pero los latinos siguen formando sus vidas aqu\u00ed con esperanza de un futuro mejor. Por ejemplo, en Woodburn la poblaci\u00f3n es cerca a 24,000, pero casi 60% de los habitantes son latinos (Roberts, 2013). Es una ciudad llena de latinos con ambici\u00f3n y sue\u00f1os.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Historical context: <\/strong>In the 70s, the population of Latinos in Oregon continued to grow and establish lives throughout the state. During this period more families, instead of lone men, came to work in the agricultural fields, but the housing was still set up for men who only stayed for a short amount of time (Loprinzi, 1991). Therefore, the conditions at the migrant camps, like the one Elida lived in, were not adequate for families. The rooms were small, there was no insulation for winter, and the bathrooms were located outside of the cabins (Loprinzi, 1991). The conditions in the fields weren\u2019t good either and many feared the repercussions if they decided to complain. Regardless, by 1970 the population of Latinos in Oregon had grown to 32,000 (Garcia, n.d.). And the 70s and 80s were described as a \u201ctime of action and organization for Oregon\u2019s Hispanic and Latinx community\u201d (TravelPortland, 2020). For example, the first college for Latinos, Colegio C\u00e9sar Ch\u00e1vez, opened in 1973 (TravelPortland, 2020). Then in 1977, the Willamette Valley Immigration Project was founded and in 1985 Pineros y Campesinos Unidos del Noreste in Woodburn was established (TravelPortland, 2020). Many years later, there is still advocacy and efforts to help the Latinos, especially those that work in agriculture. However, the same terrible conditions prevail for migrant workers and they are still not given the rights and benefits they deserve. The situation is changing little by little and the Latinos continue to form their lives here with hope for a better future. For example, in Woodburn the population is around 24,000, but almost 60% is Latino (Roberts, 2013). It is a city filled with Latinos with their ambitions and dreams. <\/p>\n\n\n\n

Referencias\/References:<\/strong><\/p>\n\n\n\n

Garcia, J. (s.f.). Latinos in Oregon. The Oregon Encyclopedia<\/em>. https:\/\/oregonencyclopedia.org\/articles\/hispanics_in_oregon\/#.XrxtoC85QWo<\/a>.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Loprinzi, C.M. (1991). Hispanic migrant labor in Oregon, 1940-1990<\/em>. (Publicaci\u00f3n N\u00fam. 4297) [Master\u2019s Thesis, Portland State University]. PDXScholar. https:\/\/pdxscholar.library.pdx.edu\/cgi\/viewcontent.cgi?article=5307&context=open_access_etds<\/a>.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Roberts. D. (2013, Julio 1). Woodburn\u2019s Latino Community May Finally Find It\u2019s Voice. Oregon Public Broadcasting<\/em>.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

TravelPortland. (2020, Abril 30). Hispanic and Latinx History<\/em>. https:\/\/www.travelportland.com\/culture\/hispanic-latinx-history\/<\/a>.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Entrevistada\/Interviewee: Benita Solis<\/strong><\/p>\n\n\n\n

Contexto hist\u00f3rico: <\/strong>Esta historia de Benita Sol\u00eds tiene contenido hist\u00f3rico relevante. Su historia refleja la experiencia de muchos de los que dejaron su pa\u00eds con la esperanza de un mejor futuro. La entrevista de Benita ense\u00f1a las dificultades reales que muchos han enfrentado en alg\u00fan momento de sus vidas. En la historia de los inmigrantes latinos en los Estados Unidos, muchos han atravesado el desierto caliente para llegar a donde est\u00e1n ahora. Yo tambi\u00e9n soy una mexicana con padres y familiares que han enfrentado estas situaciones. Benita estaba embarazada cuando cruz\u00f3 por primera vez, lo que demuestra que personas de todas las edades han cruzado la frontera. Incluso ni\u00f1os no nacidos. Gran parte de la sociedad de los EE.UU est\u00e1 compuesta de inmigrantes. No solo de Latinoam\u00e9rica, sino tambi\u00e9n de otros pa\u00edses. La entrevista de Benita agrega valor a quienes merecen el derecho a vivir su vida, o en su caso, un sue\u00f1o por el que siempre le pidi\u00f3 a Dios. Los EE.UU actualmente quiere disminuir la poblaci\u00f3n de inmigrantes. La historia de Benita resalta que los inmigrantes son seres humanos, y como tales, tienen derechos. Ahora, para agregar mi comentario, es importante que se escuchen m\u00e1s historias y entrevistas, que traigan esto a la luz para ayudar a otros a comprender que las personas latinas tambi\u00e9n son seres humanos. Tambi\u00e9n para ayudar a que las personas vean que los latinos necesitan m\u00e1s organizaciones que los asistan.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Historical Context: <\/strong>The story of Benita Sol\u00eds has relevant historical content. Her story reflects the experience of many of those who left their country hoping for a better future. Benita’s interview shows the real difficulties that many have faced at some point in their lives. In the history of Latino immigrants to the United States, many have traversed the hot desert to get to where they are now. I am also a Mexican with parents and relatives who have faced these situations. Benita was pregnant when she first crossed, showing that people of all ages have crossed the border. Even unborn children. Much of US society is made up of immigrants. Not only from Latin America, but also from other countries. Benita’s interview adds value to those who deserve the right to live their life, or in her case, a dream for which she always asked God. The US currently wants to decrease the immigrant population. Benita’s story highlights that immigrants are human beings, and as such, they have rights. Now, to add my comment, it is important that more stories and interviews are heard, that they bring this to light to help others understand that Latino people are human beings too. Also to help people see that Latinos need more organizations to assist them.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Entrevistado\/Interviewee: Eliseo Sol\u00eds<\/strong><\/p>\n\n\n\n

Contexto hist\u00f3rico: <\/strong>Cuando Eliseo vino al pa\u00eds en los ochentas, fue parte de una oleada enorme de migrantes latinoamericanos a los Estados Unidos. En 1979 un l\u00edder socialista fue elegido en Nicaragua y el gobierno estadounidense enfoc\u00f3 sus esfuerzos anticomunistas en Am\u00e9rica Central. Esta polic\u00eda signific\u00f3 el inicio de una \u00e9poca de la desestabilizaci\u00f3n de Am\u00e9rica Latina durante la cual los Estados Unidos di\u00f3 armas, dinero, y entrenamiento a los grupos que apoyaban sus objetivos en la regi\u00f3n (grupos que durante mucho tiempo fueron violentos). Much\u00edsima gente huy\u00f3 de estos pa\u00edses a M\u00e9xico para estar m\u00e1s seguros, pero al mismo tiempo los pobres en M\u00e9xico ya estaban sufriendo mucho por las pol\u00edticas econ\u00f3micas all\u00ed. Lo que empez\u00f3 con los Estados Unidos tratando de entrometerse termin\u00f3 con miles de refugiados cruzando la frontera, y la mayor\u00eda de ellos fueron mexicanos como Eliseo. M\u00e1s tarde, en los a\u00f1os ochentas, las pol\u00edticas de los Estados Unidos sobre la inmigraci\u00f3n comenzaron a cambiar mucho, y la afluencia de refugiados fue planteada como un problema de la seguridad nacional. En los a\u00f1os m\u00e1s antiguos, la inmigraci\u00f3n era un tema casi exclusivamente europeo para los pol\u00edticos, porque la mayor\u00eda de las personas llegaban al este. Pero en los ochentas, el enfoque se movi\u00f3 a la frontera, en el sur del pa\u00eds. Aunque hemos tenido muchos l\u00edderes y gobiernos diferentes en los a\u00f1os subsiguientes, esta narrativa de los inmigrantes como peligrosos todav\u00eda se sostiene (en particular, hubo un resurgimiento en a\u00f1os recientes del odio y prejuicio contra los mexicanos) y Eliseo, como muchas personas, ha sufrido por eso. Dice \u00e9l que los estadounidenses tratan a los mexicanos muy mal, y los juzgan sin saber nada de la persona. Hay mucha discriminaci\u00f3n, pero seg\u00fan Eliseo nunca ha afectado su habilidad de encontrar trabajo, y para \u00e9l eso es lo m\u00e1s importante.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Historical context: <\/strong>When Eliseo came to the country in the 80s, he was part of an enormous wave of latinamerican immigrants to the United States. In 1979 a socialist leader was elected in Nicaragua and the U.S. government focused its anticommunist efforts in Central America. This policy signified the beginning in an era of Latinamerican destabilization during which the U.S. gave arms, money, and training to groups that supported their own goals for the region (groups that were oftentimes violent). Many people fled these countries for Mexico in search of safety, but at the same time the poor in Mexico were suffering greatly due to certain economic policies there. What began with the United States trying to interfere ended with thousands of refugees crossing the border, and the majority of them were Mexicans like Eliseo. In the later years of the 80s, policies in the U.S. concerning immigration began to change a lot and the influx of refugees was posed as an issue of national security. In earlier years immigration was an almost exclusively european topic for politicians as the majority of people arrived in the east. But in the 80s the focus shifted to the southern border. Although we\u2019ve had many leaders and governments in the subsequent years, this narrative of immigrants as dangerous is still sustained (in particular, there has been a resurgence in recent years of hate and prejudice against Mexicans) and Eliseo, like so many others, has suffered for this. He says that folks in the U.S. treat folks from Mexico very poorly, and judge them without knowing them at all. There is a lot of discrimination, but according to Eliseo it has never affected his ability to get a job, and for him that is what is most important.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Entrevistados\/Interviewees: Santiago Ventura y Julie Samples<\/strong><\/p>\n\n\n\n

Contexto Hist\u00f3rico<\/strong>: En la entrevista, Ventura y Samples hablaron un poco sobre el Programa de Bracero y el impacto de ese programa en la poblaci\u00f3n y cultura de Oregon. El Programa de Bracero fue creado por una orden ejecutiva en 1942 con un acuerdo entre los gobiernos de M\u00e9xico y los Estados Unidos. Surgi\u00f3 de preocupaciones por la falta de empleados agr\u00edcolas en los Estados Unidos causados por la segunda guerra mundial. Incluy\u00f3 un cambio de pol\u00edtica sobre la inmigraci\u00f3n de trabajadores laborales desde M\u00e9xico a los Estados Unidos y m\u00e1s o menos abri\u00f3 la frontera entre los dos pa\u00edses para suministrar una fuerza laboral a los Estados Unidos durante la segunda guerra mundial. Este programa result\u00f3 en 4.6 millones de contratos laborales en los Estados Unidos entre 1942 y 1964, y tuvo un impacto que dura hasta hoy en d\u00eda (\u201cAbout\u201d). Parte de los temas que discuten en esta entrevista tambi\u00e9n tienen que ver con la migraci\u00f3n circular. Este fen\u00f3meno es la migraci\u00f3n c\u00edclica de un grupo de inmigrantes desde un pa\u00eds o lugar otro. Durante la \u00e9poca del Programa Bracero, la migraci\u00f3n circular fue fomentada por la pol\u00edtica del tiempo, pero hoy en d\u00eda no es tan f\u00e1cil. Por eso, muchas familias se quedan \u201catrapadas\u201d en alg\u00fan lugar en el ciclo, resultando en un aumento de prevalencia de familias latinoamericanos y de inmigrantes aqu\u00ed en los Estados Unidos. Ventura y Samples discutieron ese aumento en su entrevista y explicaron que esos grupos en particular requieren el apoyo de servicios que podemos ofrecer aqu\u00ed en nuestro estado para tener \u00e9xito (\u201cCircular\u201d).<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Historical Context: <\/strong>In their interview, Ventura and Samples speak a little about the Bracero Program and the impact this policy has had on the population demographic and culture of Oregon. The Bracero Program was created by an executive order in 1942 based on an agreement between the Mexican and United States governments. The program sought to resolve concerns of a diminishing workforce in the United States as a result of World War II. The Bracero Program instigated a policy change concerning the immigration of labor workers between Mexico and the United States, and basically opened the border between the two countries to supply a labor force to the United States during the second world war. Between 1942 and 1964, the program generated approximately 4.6 million labor contracts in the United States, creating a lasting impact to this day (\u201cAbout\u201d). One of the themes discussed in this interview as well is the concept of circular migration. This phenomenon is defined by the cyclical migration of immigrant groups between one country or location to another. During the era of the Bracero Program, circular migration was encouraged and supported by the national policy of the time, but today it is not so simple. Because of this, many families have become \u201ctrapped\u201d at specific points in the migration cycle, resulting in an increase in the prevalence of Latin-American and immigrant families living here in the United States. Ventura and Samples discuss this growth in their interview and explain that these groups in particular require special support from state services in order to succeed (\u201cCircular\u201d).<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Referencias\/References:<\/strong><\/p>\n\n\n\n

\u201cAbout.\u201d Bracero History Archive<\/em>, 2020, braceroarchive.org\/about<\/a>.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

\u201cCircular Migration.\u201d Migrationpolicy.org<\/em>, 1 Feb. 2020, www.migrationpolicy.org\/topics\/circular-migration<\/a>.<\/p>\n","protected":false},"excerpt":{"rendered":"

Erlinda Gonzales-Berry Papers Finding Aid In spring term 2020, the OMA collaborated with the OSU course Ethnic Studies 416\/516 Migrant Health on an oral history assignment. The students listened to the oral history interviews from the Erlinda Gonzales-Berry Papers to … Continue reading →<\/span><\/a><\/p>\n","protected":false},"author":6078,"featured_media":0,"comment_status":"open","ping_status":"open","sticky":false,"template":"","format":"standard","meta":{"_jetpack_memberships_contains_paid_content":false,"footnotes":"","jetpack_publicize_message":"","jetpack_publicize_feature_enabled":true,"jetpack_social_post_already_shared":true,"jetpack_social_options":{"image_generator_settings":{"template":"highway","default_image_id":0,"font":"","enabled":false},"version":2}},"categories":[1329592],"tags":[3552,1326436],"class_list":["post-22386","post","type-post","status-publish","format-standard","hentry","category-oma","tag-latinoa","tag-oral-history-interview"],"jetpack_publicize_connections":[],"jetpack_featured_media_url":"","jetpack_sharing_enabled":true,"_links":{"self":[{"href":"https:\/\/blogs.oregonstate.edu\/oregonmulticulturalarchives\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/posts\/22386","targetHints":{"allow":["GET"]}}],"collection":[{"href":"https:\/\/blogs.oregonstate.edu\/oregonmulticulturalarchives\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/posts"}],"about":[{"href":"https:\/\/blogs.oregonstate.edu\/oregonmulticulturalarchives\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/types\/post"}],"author":[{"embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/blogs.oregonstate.edu\/oregonmulticulturalarchives\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/users\/6078"}],"replies":[{"embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/blogs.oregonstate.edu\/oregonmulticulturalarchives\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/comments?post=22386"}],"version-history":[{"count":15,"href":"https:\/\/blogs.oregonstate.edu\/oregonmulticulturalarchives\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/posts\/22386\/revisions"}],"predecessor-version":[{"id":22406,"href":"https:\/\/blogs.oregonstate.edu\/oregonmulticulturalarchives\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/posts\/22386\/revisions\/22406"}],"wp:attachment":[{"href":"https:\/\/blogs.oregonstate.edu\/oregonmulticulturalarchives\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/media?parent=22386"}],"wp:term":[{"taxonomy":"category","embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/blogs.oregonstate.edu\/oregonmulticulturalarchives\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/categories?post=22386"},{"taxonomy":"post_tag","embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/blogs.oregonstate.edu\/oregonmulticulturalarchives\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/tags?post=22386"}],"curies":[{"name":"wp","href":"https:\/\/api.w.org\/{rel}","templated":true}]}}